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C|^e HaMugt ^onrtg* 




No. LIX. 

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SDittti, faittii an Sntrotiuctiiin anti fixAtn^ 



CAPTAIN B.N., F.R.O.8., 


" irOBTHWABD HO 1 " 

''And Davis tbree timeB forth that for the north-west made. 
Still striving by that course t' enrich the English trade ; 
And as he well deserved, to his eternal fame. 
There, by a mighty sea, immortalised his name." 

Dbattov's Poljfolbion. 



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J y,\illkVil>**, 

„. «..vT Qt-HH:. «.»". -•' 





CoLOvn H. TTJLE, C.B., Pibsiositt. 




R«T. Db. a. P. BADGER, D.O.L.. P.R.G.S. 

J. BARROW, Ebq., P.R.S. 


E. A. BOND, Esq. 



Tbb Eabl ov DUCIE, P.R.S. 



R. H. MAJOR, Esq., P.S.A. 




Tbb Lobd STANLEY ov Aldbblbt. 


Majob-Gbvbbil Sib HENRY THUILLIER,'C.S.I., P.R.S. 

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., P.R.S., Sbo.R.G.S., Hosobabt Sbcbktaby. 




Note on the Preyious Biographical Accounta of Captain John 

Davis ..... Izxviii 

Note on the '' New Map", by Mr. C. H. Coote 


The First Voyage of Master John Davis^^juukct^^ f or the 
Discoverie of the North-west Passage^^y John J^^) 

The Second Voyage attempted by TV^f^r Jnhn J^itvia for the 
Discoverie of the North-west Passage^ by himself . 

Letter from Master John Davis "to M. William Sanderson, 14th 
October 1586 . / .... 

A Relation of the Course/^hich the Sumhine and Northstarrc^ 
being two Vessels of/wie Flee t of M. John D avis, held after he 
had sent them frogi him, by( Iienry M organ^ 

The Thir d Voyage isorth-westward made by John Davis, written 
by( John Jai^ 

A Traverse Booke made by M. John Davis in his Third Voyage 
for the Disco verie of the North-west Passage 

Letter from M. Joh n_Davis to M. Sanderson, 16th September 
1587 ...... 

The Third Voyage of the Erie of Cumberland to the Azores, by 
the excellent Mathematician and Engineer, Master Edward 

The Last Voyage of the AVorshipfull M. Thomas Candish, Esquire 
by M. John Jane .... 

Letter from John pavis to the Earl of Essex, Ist August 1600 

The Voyage of Captaine John Davis to the Easteme Lidia, Pilot 
in a Dutch Ship, written by himself 

The Last Voyage of John Davis with Sir Edwanl Michclboruo 















Introduction . . i 

Note on the Preyious Biographical Accoonta of Captain John 

Davis ..... Ixxviii 

Note on the ** New Map", by Mr. C. H. Coote Ixxxv 

The Last Voyage of the AVorshipfoll M. Thomas Candish, Esquire 
by M. John Jane .... 

Letter from John pavis to the Earl of Essex, Ist August 1600 

The Voyage of Captaine John Davis to the Easteme India, Pilot 
in a Dutch Ship, written by himself 

The I^ist Voyage of John Davis with Sir Edwanl Michclboruo 

The First Voyage of Master John Davis^^juidfict^^en f or the 

Discoverie of the North-west Passage/^ John j£u^} 1 

The Second Voyage attempted by TV^f-^r JAhn T^itvia for the 

Discoverie of the North-west P^s^ag^ by himself . .15 

Letter from Master John Davia^o M. William Sanderson, 14th 

October 1686 . / . .32 

A Relation of the Course/Which the Sunjthhie and Norihstarre^ 
being two Vessels oi/wie Fle et of M. John D avis, held after he 
had sent them frmn him, by( fienry Morgan^ 33 

The Thi rd Voyage ^orth-westward made by John Davis, written 

by( John JdJ^ .39 

A Traverse Booke made bv M. John Davis in his Third Voyage 

for the Discoverie of the North-west Passage 49 

Letter from M. Johi^^avis^ to M. Sanderson, 16th September 

iDof ...... 09 

The Third Voyage of the Erie of Cumberland to the Azores, by 
the excellent Mathematician and Engineer, Master Edward 





Mr. John Davis bis ObseiTatioDB voyaging from Achen to Tiku 

andPriaman .185 

The Worl<le*8 Ilydrographical Description .191 

The Seaman's Secrete .229 


A. — Bibliographical List of Works on Navigation during the 

Reign of Elizabeth . . .339 

B. — Letters Patent of the Queene's Majestic granted to Master 
Adrian Gilbert and others for the Search and Discoverie of 
the North-west Passage . . .368 

Index ..... 375 


Map of the World of 1600, called the **New Map". 'sJn separate cover \ 

Map of Northern Discoveries of Davis . . To /ace p, 1 

Facsimile of Letter from Davis to Sir F. Walsingham . Frontispiece 

The Red Dragon, Ship on board which Davis was Pilot . Ixix 

Facsimile Title Page of Seaman's Secrets . . . 229 

„ „ „ Second Part . 287 

The Universe . . . . .239 

Compass ...... 243 

Table for finding Epact and Golden Number . 248 

Table to ^how Number of Leagues to be Sailed on each Point to 

make good a Degree of Latitude . . . 256 

Gross Staff . . .263 

Vertical Circle . . . . . .268 

Globes ..... 288, 304 

The Zones . . . . . .307 

Principle of Graduating Cross StaflF 329, 331 

Back Staff . , . . .334 

Astrolabe . . ' . . . 336 


At page 27, Note 3, /or ^^Mermaid'\ read " MoonshM\ 

„ 32, „ 2, for ** Newfoundland ", read " Labrador". 

„ 185, „ 3, /or "See Note 2, page 13(y', read *'See Note 9, 
page 130". 

At page 154, for Note 2, substitute the following: — ^^'Narsinga, or 
Bijayaoagar, was a Hindu kingdom between the Malabar and 
Coromandel coasts. Its power was broken by the Muhammadan 
kings of the Deccan in 1565, but it continued to exist until 

At page 341 (Note), for " Venice in 1493", read " Strasburg in 1512". 


Among the distinguished English seamen of the six- 
teenth century, John Davis of Sandridge stands out 
conspicuously as the one who, more than any other, 
united the qualities of a daring adventurer with 
those of a skilful pilot and a scientific navigator. 
Several were his equals in steady perseverance and 
^^desperate gallantry. Some, such as Richard Haw- 
kins and William Baffin, resembled him in their 
devotion to the scientific branches of his noble 
profession. But as a seaman combining scientific 
knowledge and skilled pilotage with the qualities of 
a fearless and determined explorer, John Davis 
stands foremost among the navigators of the great 
Queen. He had other qualities which are needed 
to complete the character of a perfect sea captain. 
He knew how to win the love of the men who 
served him, and the undoubting confidence of those 
who gave him their trust. He was as genial and 
considerate, as he was conscientious and honest. 
This is high praise, but the perusal of all that is 
known of his career will show that it is deserved. 
Voyage after voyage did Mr. Sanderson and other 
merchants entrust Davis with their wealth; and 
such men as John Jane left their homes and occupa- 
♦ b 


tions, and went on long and perilous voyages, for the 
love of Master Davis, and ** for his sake". 

Westcote, according to Prince, tells us that John 
Davis was born at Sandridge,* in the parish of Stoke 
Gabriel. But there is no record of his baptism in 
the parish registers of Stoke Gabriel, which begin 
with the 30th year of Henry VIII. Westcote was, 
however, a contemporary. He describes Sandridge 
as "a healthy, pleasant seat. It is lifted up on a 
small hill on the east side of the river Dart, which 
compasseth near three parts thereof on its way to 
Dartmouth, from which it stands by water not two 
miles, by land near four". But of the parentage of 
Davis we are told nothing. We may assume that 
his childhood was passed on the banks of the Dart, 
and that he went to sea as a boy, and thus received 
a thorough nautical education. The words of Chaucer 
are, therefore, applicable to our hero : — 

" A schipman was he, wonying fer by weste, 
^ For ought I woot he was of Dertemouth." 

It is quite certain that, in after life, Davis held 
property at Sandridge. He always signed himself 
of Sandridge, and in a letter written to Mr. Sander- 
son, on his return from his second voyage in 1586, 
he writes: — "Surely it shall cost all my hope of 
welfare, and my portion of Sandridge, but I will, by 
God's mercy, see an end of these businesses.'' This 
may be regarded as proving, beyond a doubt, that 
Davis shared in the ownership of Sandridge. In the 

^ " Here was bom that excellent pilot and skilful navigator, and 
fortunate discoverer of unknown countries, Mr. John Davis." 


charter granted by Queen Elizabeth, Adrian Gilbert 
is also named as of Sandridge. 

Westcote and Prince tell us that, after 1 9 Edward 
III, Sandridge became the inheritance of the ancient 
and honourable family of the Pomeroys,^ and when 
Westcote wrote, in 1630, it still remained in that 
honourable name.* Thus we have three families re- 
siding at or owning Sandridge at the same time— the 
Pomeroys, the Gilberts, and the Davises. The pro- 
bable explanation is, that Sandridge was a property 
on which two or three houses had been built by the 
Pomeroys, and rented or sold to the families of 
Davis and of Adrian Gilbert.* 

On the 29th of September 1582 John Davis was 
married to Mistress Faith Fulford,* said, by Prince, 
to have been a daughter of Sir John Fulford of Ful- 
ford. High Sheriff of Devon in 1535, by the Lady 

> In the time of Henry II, one Stephen de Sandridge held three 
parts of a knight's fee there, of the Bishop of Exeter. His de- 
scendants held Sandridge for a period of 200 years. Next came 
Pomeroy, probably a younger son of Pomeroy of Berry Castle, in 
19 Ed. III. 

* Sir Henry Pomeroy of Berry Castle, having no children, 
settled his lands on his nephew-in-law, Sir Thomas Pomeroy of 
Sandridge. This Sir Thomas had married Joan, daughter of Sir 
Thomas Chudleigh, by Joan Pomeroy, sister of Sir Henry of Berry 
Castle. In the time of Prince, Sandridge belonged to Roger 
Pomeroy, whose daughter married Humphrey Gilbert of Compton, 
The Gilberts sold it to John Dunning, Lord Ashburton, in 1770. 
It came to Lady Ashburton, who left it to her niece the Baroness 
de Yerte, the present possessor of Sandridge. 

* There are now two gentlemen's houses at Sandridge, the 
" Great House" and the " Farr House*'. 

^ Parish Register at Stoke Gabriel. 



Dorothy Bourchier, a daughter of the I^rl of Bath.^ 
The issue of his marriage was a son, Gilbert, baptised 
at Stoke Gabriel, on March 27th, 1583; a daughter, 
Elizabeth, who died in infancy; and three other sons, 
Arthur, born in 1586; John, born and died in 1587; 
and Philip.* 

It will be well here to say something of the Gil- 
berts, the neighbours and friends of Davis, who evi- 
dently exercised a great influence on his after life. 
Sandridge was in the parish of Stoke Gabriel, which 
adjoins that of Brixham, and the Gilberts had been 
seated at Greenway, in Brixham parish, for some 
centuries. Westcote says that " Greenway is very 
pleasantly and commodiously placed, with a most 
delightsome prospect to behold the barks and boats 
to pass and repass upon the river flowing from 
Totnes to Dartmouth". Here dwelt Otho Gilbert 
in the early part of the sixteenth century, who had 
also inherited Compton, near Torbay, from an ances- 
tress in the time of Edward II.' By his wife Kath- 

* Westcote's Devonshire^ p. 613, quoted by Prince, The marriage 
with Faith Fulford is recorded in the Stoke Gabriel Parish Register, 
but there is some doubt whether she was a daughter of Sir John 
Fulford of Fulford. In the Herald's Visitation of 1564, the 
children of Sir John Fulford are given, and again in the Visitation 
of 1624. They were John, his heir; Andrew; Elizabeth, married, 
first to Arundell, and secondly, to T. Gary ; and Cecilia, married 
to William or Nicholas Adams. There is no mention of a Faith, 
or of a Davis marriage in either Visitation, Westcote wrote in 
1630, after both Visitations ; and their silence seems to call for 
some other testimony in corroboration of Westcote's statement, 
which I have failed to discover. 

2 Parish Registers at Stoke Gabriel, and Will of John Davis. 

^ Joan, heiress of William Compton of Compton. 


arine, daughter of Sir Philip Champernoun of Mod- 
bury, he had three sons, John, Humphrey, and 
Adrian. He died when his children were still very 
young, and his widow married, secondly, Walter 
Kaleigh of Fardel, by whom she had two more sons, 
named Carew and Walter. The youngest, after- 
wards the famous Sir Walter Raleigh, was bom in 

John Davis was probably bom in about 1550. 
The Gilberts were, therefore, his seniors by some 
years; John having been bom in 1537, Humphrey 
in 1539, and Adrian a year or two later. Sir Walter 
Kaleigh was two years younger than Davis. The 
eldest. Sir John Gilbert, remained at home, was 
highly respected in the county, and, dying childless, 
was buried in Exeter Cathedral. 

Humphrey Gilbert, the second son, was educated 
at Eton and Oxford ; and devoted himself to the 
study of navigation and the art of war. He was in- 
troduced to court by his aunt, Mrs. Katherine Ash- 
ley, and became known to the Queen in 1571. In 
1563 he had served with distinction under the Earl 
of Warwick at Newhaven, and on New Year's day of 
1570,^ he was knighted by Sir Henry Sidney at 
Drogheda for his gallant service in Ireland. In 
1572 he went to Flushing to help the Zeelanders in 
their glorious fight against Spanish tyranny. But 
his thoughts were mainly turned to the improve- 
ment of navigation, and the discovery of unknown 
countries. His discourse, to prove a North- West 

* Not 1577, 08 stated by Priucc in his Worthies of Devon. 


Passage, concerning which it will be necessary to 
say more presently, was printed in 1576.^ Two 
years afterwards he received letters patent to dis- 
cover the north parts of America, and he made his 
first voyage to Newfoundland in 1579. The Queen 
had given him a jewel, consisting of a small anchor 
of beaten gold with a large pearl on the peak, which 
he evermore wore on his breast. He sailed on his 
last expedition in 1583^ with five vessels. In 
August he took possession of Newfoundland in the 
name of the Queen, and commenced an examination 
of its coasts. One vessel, the Raleigh^ had put 
back early in the voyage ; the Delight was lost in a 
storm ; and he was left with only the Golden Hind, 
of forty, and the Squin^el, of ten tons. It became 
necessary to return home, and he was entreated to 
come on board the Golden Hind. But, as com- 
mander, he declared he would share the dangers of 
the little Squin^el. The rest of the story was told 
by the master of his consort, Mr. Hayes. Gilbert 
was last seen in the evening of September 9 th, sit- 
ting in the stem of the Squirrel with a book in his 
hand. His last words were, crying out to the men 
on board the Hind, "We are as near to Heaven by 
sea as by land".^ That night the little boat was 
swallowed up by the waves. 

Adrian Gilbert, the youngest brother, was a man 
of varied accomplishments. Besides being an enthu- 

^ See Hakluyt (2nd edition), ii, pp. 33 to 47. 
^ Hakluyt, Principal XavigationSy p. C95. The Rt'iKH't of the 
Voyage by Mr. Edward Hayes. 


siafltic promoter of voyages of discovery, he was 
skilled in mineralogy, and, for some time, had the 
management of silver mines at Combe Martin on 
the north coast of Devon. The children of Sir 
Humphrey continued the line of Gilberts.* 

These gallant youths of Green way were the neigh- 
bours and friends of Davis, who, however, must have 
taken to a seafaring life very early, for he first ap- 
pears in history as a high authority respectmg tlie 
practicability of a north-west passage to China. The 
fact of his being thus consulted was not, however, 
entirely due to his skill in navigation and experience 
as a seaman. It was partly owing to his ftiendship 
with the Gilberts and their half-brother. Sir Walter 
Kaleigh, and especially with Adrian Gilbert. 

The first mention of John Davis that I can find 
is in the year 1579. It occurs in the private diary 
of Dr. John Dee,^ the astrologer, and "eminent 

1 Sir Humphrey Gilbert married Anne, daup;hter of Sir Anthony 
Ager of Kent, and had five sons (not nine, as stated by Prince) 
and one daughter. The eldest, Sir John Gilbert, married a 
daughter of Sir Richard Molyneux of Sefton^ but died childless. 
The youngest, Sir llaleigh Gilbert, alone had issue. Ho dwelt at 
Greenway in 1 635 (see Pole, page 282). His son, Ager Gilbert, 
married a daughter of Edward Walrond of Bovey, and had a son 
Humphrey Gilbert, who sold Greenway and went to live at Comp- 
ton, near Torquay. He married Joan, daughter of Roger Pomeroy. 

^ John Dee was bom in London on July 13th, 1527. He was 
educated at Cambridge, and a Fellow of Trinity. He resided two 
years at the University of Louvain, and afterwards at Rheims, and 
was a very learned mathematician and cosmographcr. He also 
practised astrology, and was tried on a charge of working against 
Queen Mary's life by enchantment. On the accession of Elizabeth, 
he came into favour, and settled at Mortlake, whore he calculated 


philosopher of Mortlake". Dr. Dee appears to have 
made his notes principally on the margins of old 
almanacs, in a diminutive and almost illegible hand- 
writing. These scraps were found in the library 
of the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, and, being 
collected together, were printed for the Camden 
Society in 1842. 

In this diary, against the date October 18, 1579, 
we read : " Mr. Adrian Gilbert and John Davys re- 
concyled themselves to me, and disclosed some of 
Emery his most imhonest, hypocriticall, and devilish 
dealings and devises agayust me and other, and like- 
wise of that errant strompet her abominable wordes 
and dedes ; and John Davis say d that he might curse 
the tyme that ever he knew Emery, and so much 
followed his wicked coimsayle and advyse, so just 
is God". 

This can be no other than Emery Moljmeux, who 
constructed the two globes — one celestial and the 
other terrestrial — which were made by order of Mr. 
Wm. Sanderson, and dedicated to Queen Elizabeth. 
What he had done to incur the wrath and dis- 
pleasure of Davis and Dr. Dee I have been unable 
to discover. 

We also read in the same journal that on June 3, 

horoscopes and nativities. He was intimate with most of the 
great navigators of his time. He was abroad from 1584 to 1589, 
when he visited the Emperor Rudolph II at Prague. He was 
Chancellor of St. Paul's Cathedral, and died at Mortlake in 1608. 
See a notice of his work on navigation in Appendix A. His 
private diary was edited for the Camden Society by Mr. Halliwell 
in 1842. 


1580, "Mr. A. Gilbert and J. Davys rode homeward 
into Devonshire." This would lead us to infer that 
Davis was then living at Sandridge, and that the 
two friends were riding home together for mutual 
protection and companionship. 

The next mention of the name of John Davis in 
Dr. Dee's journal is three years subsequent to the 
date of the above extract. He writes : " Jan. 23, 
1583. The Eyght Honorable Mr. Secretary Wal- 
singham cam to my howse, where by good lok he 
found Mr. Awdrian Gilbert, and so talk was begonne 
of North-west Straights discovery. Jan. 24. I, Mr. 
Awdrian Gilbert, and John Davis, went by appoint- 
ment to Mr. Secretary to Mr. Beale his howse, where 
onely we four were secret, and we made Mr. Secre- 
tary privie of the N.W. passage, and all charts and 
rutters were agreed upon in generall.'' 

A little further on we read: ** March 6. I and 
Mr. Adrian Gilbert and John Davis did mete with 
Mr. Alderman Barnes,^ Mr. Tounson,* and Mr. Yong, 

^ Sir George Barnes or Bame was one of the most influential 
Directors of the Muscovy Company. He was Lord Mayor of Lon- 
don in 1552, and died in 1558. His daughter, Annie, married, 
first Alexander Carleyll, and secondly, Sir Francis Walsingham ; 
and his son, also Sir George Bame, was Lord Mayor in 1586. 
This is the Alderman Barnes of Dee*s diary. He died in 1592, 
and is the ancestor of the present Colonel F. St. John Bame, M.P., 
of Sotterley Park. 

* Probably Towrson or Towerson, a name much connected with 
voyages of discovery, Mr. William Towrson, merchant of London, 
made voyages to Guinea in 1555, 1556, and 1557 (Hakluyt's 
Principal Navigations, pp. 98 to 129). Gabriel Towcrsou was in 
the Indian voyages of Cttjjtaiu Saris, and was after wards put to 



and Mr. Hudson^ about the N. W. passage. March 1 7. 
Mr. John Davys went to Chelsey with Mr. Adrian 
Gilbert to Mr. Radforth's, and so the 1 8th day from 
thence toward Devonshyre." 

Although Dr. Dee lived for many years after the 
above extract from his diary was written, and con- 
tinued to make notes of important events as they 
occurred, and although we have direct evidence that 
he was interested in all matters connected with the 
discovery of a North-west Passage, we find no allu- 
sion in his journal to the despatch of any of the ex- 
peditions that ensued, or any further reference made 
to those who were engaged in them.* 

His name, however, together with that of Adrian 
Gilbert and John Davis, appears in a memorial pre- 
sented to Queen Elizabeth, an abstract of which is 
given in the Calendar of State Papers.' 

death by the Dutch in the massacre of Ambojna in 1623. He 
married the widow of Captain W. Hawkins. (See ffawkiruU 
Voyagesy p. xlvi.) 

1 This was Thomas Hudson, son of Henry Hudson, one of the 
founders of the Muscovy Company, and probably an uncle of Henry 
Hudson, the navigator. Thomas Hudson lived at Mortlake, and 
Dr. Dee has an entry on February 11th, 1583, that the Queen 
stopped at his door, and '' so I went by her horse side as far as 
where Mr. Hudson dwelt.** {Diary y pp. 18, 19.) 

* This may be accounted for by the fact that Dr. Dee was 
abroad from 1584 to 1589. 

* Domestic, Elizaheth^ Addenda, It is as follows: — 

" Adrian Gylberte, having heretofore greatly travelled, and con- 
tinuing to his great charges to travel to discover the northerly 
parts of Atlantis, called Nov us Orbis, not inhabited or discovered 
by any Christians hitherto, but by him, requests the Queen's 
licence for himself and his associates, to be named in a schedule. 


In the same volume there is an abstract of the 
provisions in the Letters Patent granted by the 
Queen, which, however, I give in an appendix in 
their entirety, as printed by Hakluyt. One article 
was not included in the patent, which gives the 
names of Gilbert's associates as follows : — " The said 
Adrian Gilbert, Walter Rayley, and John Davys 
to be custom free for their proper goods during the 
space of 60 years, which they shall bring from those 
lands to be discovered."^ Here the name of Sir 
Walter Baleigh is substituted for that of Dr. John 

In the Letters Patent a right of search for passages 
by the north, north-east, and north-west to China is 
granted to a company, presided over by Mr. Adrian 
Gilbert. The result of the grant of this charter 
was the despatch of the two vessels Sunshine and 

with shipping, men, and all necessaries, to depart to any of the 
northerly parts between the Equinoctial Line and the North 
Pole ; with liberty to inhabit and enjoy all such places so dis- 
covered. A fifth part of all gold, silver, pearls, etc., to belong to 
Her Majesty. Commodities from thence to be brought to London 
and Dartmouth. To hold all those northerly parts to him, his 
heirs and assigns for ever. Power to confiscate the ships and 
goods of others trafficking in those parts. To sue, if need be, 
and to be incorporated under the name of ' The CoUegiate of the 
Fellowship of new Navigations Atlantical and Septentrional'. 
Power to make laws in those countries, not being contrary to 
those in this realm. Adrian Gylberte, John Dee, and John 
Davies, having been the chiefest travellers to find out this 
northerly voyage, and being of that company, to be specially 
exempted for ever from payment of custom outwards or in- 

' CaUndar of SiaU Paj^tn, Dotnestic, Eli:, 


Mooiuhine, under the command of John Davis, in 

The expenses of this voyage were defrayed by 
"divers worshipfull merchants of London and of the 
west country". The former were represented by 
Mr. William Sanderson, who, we are told, " was so 
foreward therein that, besides his travail, which was 
not small, he became the greatest adventurer with 
his pursed Mr. Sanderson was an important person 
in all that concerns the northern voyages of Davis, 
which he steadily and munificently supported ; and 
he was, moreover, a patron of geographical know- 
ledge, as well as an influential merchant.* Some 
account of him is therefore necessary in a life of his 
friend, John Davis the navigator. 

Mr. Sanderson's great grandfather, Richard Sander- 
son, was living at Pontefract in Yorkshire, in 1480. 
Richard's son Stephen removed to London in 1495, 
and married Alice, the heiress of Henry Skime, alias 
Castilion, descended from a Gascon of that name 
who had a coat of arms resembling those of Castillo, 
doubtless a canting shield. Stephen had brothers 

^ It is interesting to note in the latter part of this Charter, the 
instructions relative to the punishment of offenders. The power 
of inflicting or awarding punishments was, it will be seen, vested 
not solely in the hands of the commander, but in those of a 
tribunal composed of twelve of the company selected by the leader 
— in other words, a Court Martial. — See Appendix. 

* Hakluyt inserts a letter from Mr. Henry Lane to the worship- 
ful M. William Sanderson, containing a brief discourse of that 
which passed in the north-east discovery for the space of thirty 
years — 1553-1583. This letter was prepared at the request of 
Mr. Sanderson. — Hakluyt (2nd edition), i, pp. 523 to 626, 


settled in Scarborough and Newcastle-on-Tyne. His 
son William Sanderson was a merchant of London, 
who lived to the age of 86, dying in 1570. He 
married Jane, heiress of T. Wall of London, by Alice 
Langston, another heiress, and had several children. 
The eldest was William Sanderson,^ the munificent 
merchant adventurer and friend of Davis, a citizen 
of London, of the Fishmongers' Company. He 
married Margaret, daughter of Hugh Snedale of 
Cornwall, by a sister of Sir Walter Raleigh, and had 
numerous children : — Raleigh, Cavendish, Drake, 
William, Thomas, Hugh, Anthony, and Jane, wife 
of Mr. Wolley of the Privy Chamber.* He bore his 
own arms (paly of six azure and argent on a bend 
sahle^ three mullets or) quarterly with Skirne, Wall, 
and Langston, as depicted on the famous globe of 
Emery Molyneux. 

There is a memoir of William Sanderson among 
the Harleian MSS., which I insert in the accompany- 
ing foot note.' It appears to have been written by 
a friend in the time of Charles I, in answer to some 

^ William Sandersou had brothers and sisters. Stephen Sander- 
sou, his next brother, had two daughters — Magdalen, married to 
George Chambers, a merchant adventurer, who died in 1621 ; and 
Jane, married to J. Punt of Manningtree. The other brothers 
were Michael and Thomas. The sisters were Jane, married to 
Edwards ; and Magdalen, wife of John Archer, a merchant of 

' This account of the family of William Sanderson is from the 
Vincent MSS., 119, p. 292, in the Heralds' College. 

' The following account of William Sanderson is extracted from 
the Harleian MSS. 5208, fol. 5052 (new fol., 29, 30): — 

" William Sanderson, als Sanderzon, borne a gent, bred a Mer- 


attack, and shows that the subject of it was a 
merchant of London of great wealth and high posi- 

chant Adventurer under the worthy Thomas Alliu, Esquire, Mer- 
chant unto Queen Elizabeth for her Marino causes; as was 
Syr Thomas Gresham, Et., her Merchant for her Military 
causes; which said Sanderson was for himself and his said 
Maister, in Denmarke, Swithland, and Poland. And in Fraunce, 
Germany, and Netherlands in travaile and trade there and else- 
where many yeares. And in respect of his master's office and 
service for him was well knowne in Court in the dayes of the 
Duke of Norfiblk, and afterwards in the time of the Lord Bur- 
leigh and Leicester. And in that tyrae marrying with Sir Walter 
Baleigh his niece (being his sister's daughter) did — mannage his 
affaires all the tyme of his prosperity; and did (at severall 4 
tymes) stand bound for the said Sir Walter Raleigh for more 
then a hundred thousand pounds sterling ; and also for meere 
debt more than sizteeno thousand pounds at one tyme, taken up 
in London, most part thereof at usury upon his owne bonds, such 
was his credite and reputation in those days, as there can be 
made good proofe thereof. 

" Hee invented, made, printed, and published the great Spheares 
and Globes, both Cellestiall and Terrestriall, being the first soe 
published in Christendome, for the honour of his countrie, and good 
of the Schollers, Gentrys, and Marriners of the same. 

** Hee sent severall voyages to search about the North-west 
Passage unto Chyna, Molucca, Phillipina, and Japan in the South 

" And also severall Adventures unto Virginia with Sir Walter 
Ttaleigh at the first discovery therof : all unto his owne very 
great cost and charge of some thousand pounds starling. 

** And also hee was by the Queenes Majestic speciall appoint- 
ment put in Great Trust in the Busiuesse of both the Carrick's 
goods that came to London into Leaden Hall both before and at 
his Majestie's coming to the Crowne of England. 

'* And also he did bring unto the Queenes Majestic in ye latter 
dayes of her Rayne a Present, or Project, by which the late King's 
Majestic hath received into his Coffers more than £100,000 ster- 
ling. And never as yet asking any one penny in recompense (for 


tion. Mr. Sanderson's name appears in the oldest 
book of the Fishmongers' Company, dated 1610, 

that his service done) of her nor his late Majistie, neither will he 
ever doe (as he intends) untill he hath done his Majistie twice 
better service than that was, which still continueth and bringeth 
unto his Majistie a yearly revenue of many thousand pounds 

'* And lately it pleased his late Majestic to comand him, with 
others, to make a Remonstrance of the business of Exchange with 
the auncient use, modeme abuse, and their conceived remedyes, 
to be delivered to his Majisty in writing with all convenient 
speede, which was pTormed accordingly by these persons see 

" The Lord Viscoimt Mandeville. 

" Sir Robert Cotton, Knight and Baronet. 

*' Sir Ralph Madisson, Knight 

'* Mr. Williams, his Majisties Goldsmith. 

" Wm. Sanderson, Merchant Adventurer. 

** Garrit Maleries, Merchant Stranger. 

'* It is with his Majisties pleasure that these busines bee con- 
sidered of and reported to him ; therefore let those have notice to 
bee with mee a Wednesday at two of the olocke, viiiith April 
1622. H. Mandeville. 

" All these aforesaid are true reports and sufficiently to be 
proved soe, against any objection made to the contrary by Envy, 
Malice, or Ignorance, the enemies of all Wisdom, Yertue, and 

"And, lastly, now at this time, he hath presented unto his 
Majistie, Nobility, and Magistracy, with others of the Privy 
Gouncell, a Manuscript and Tratise of Exchange and Royall Ex- 
changers* in his Eminent place of dignity, the which those said 
last three Uncreated Evills doe impudently oppose and maligne 
with many assertions and disgraces, which caused these premisses 
to bee written by a fFriend." 

* " And God saw all yt he made, and lo, it was very good.** — 
Genesis i, 35. 


and in several subsequent years, and he appears to 
have died in extreme old age in the year 1638.^ 

Mr. William Sanderson took the lead in furthering 
the despatch of an expedition, among the merchants 
of London. The west countrymen were represented 
in the undertaking by Mr. Adrian Gilbert, the whole 
project being under the patronage of Sir Francis 
Walsingham, Secretary of the most honourable Privy 

We are told by the historian of the voyage that 
" the setting forth of this action was committed to 
the care of Mr. William Sanderson", and that "hee 
commended unto the rest of the company one Mr. 
John Davis, a man very well grounded in the 
principles of the arte of navigation, for captaine and 
chief pilot of this exployt". Davis must, therefore, 
at this time have been an experienced mariner, and 
one who had doubtless made many voyages. 

There are several interesting entries, which refer 
to the arctic voyages of Davis in the minute book 
of the Elizabethan guild of the city of Exeter.* The 
following minute was recorded at a court of that 
Corporation, held on January 6, 1585 : — 

1 I am indebted for the above information to the obliging 
kindness of Mr. W. B. Towse, the Clerk of the Fishmongers* 
Company. Mr. Towse observes that, at the time of W. Sander- 
son's death in 1638, he then owed the Company 16 years' quar- 
terage, from which it is inferred that, being an old man, he was 
unable to attend the meetings of the Company during that period, 
or since 1622. 

* From the work of Mr. William Cotton, An Elizabethan Guild 
of the City of Exeter. 


"At this Courte there were certaine Articles brought ia 
by o' deputie, which were delivered to me by Mr. Carewe 
Kawleigh,^ touchinge a pretended voyage to Wyngandacoia, 
and a noate of the marchan table and other com odi ties there 
founde, which being published and reade, o* deputie did 
moue the Com panic to be venturers that waie. Whereunto 
the Companie did answere that forasmoche as they were 
adventurers already with Mr. Adrian Gilberte in a voiage 
unto China they will not adventure anie more in anie suche 
voiages untill they see that voiage ended or some successe 

This voyage to China was of course the one about 
to set forth under the command of Davis. The pre- 
tended voyage referred to in the above minute was 
one that was being fitted out by Sir Walter Kaleigh, 
and which sailed from Plymouth shortly afterwards. 
It had for its object the colonisation of Virginia, but 
resulted in failure. The Exeter merchants were too 
wary to be tempted into embarking their wealth in 
two expeditions, both so hazardous and involving 
great risk. 

The account of Davis s first voyage is written by 
one John Jane or Janes, a merchant who accompanied 
the expedition, and who appears to have performed 
the duties of clerk, supercargo, or secretary, on board 
Davis's ship, the Sunshine. He was also a nephew 
of Mr. William Sanderson, already alluded to as one 
of the chief promoters of the enterprise.^ 

Davis at this time was not only a sailor, but also 

^ The elder brother of Sir Walter Kaleigh. 

' At least he speaks of Sanderson as his uncle (see p. 40), but 
the name of Janes does not appear in the Sanderson pedigree at 
the Herald's College. In the Cornwall Visitation of 1620, a John 



a surveyor, for we find that during the twelve days 
that his vessels were delayed by stress of weather 
at the Scilly Islands he visited in a boat the numerous 
islands that compose this group, and "did platte out 
and describe the situation of all the Hands, rockes, 
and harboroughs to the exact use of Navigation, with 
lynes and scale thereunto convenient." 

After leaving the Scilly Islands, land was not again 
sighted until the 20th of July, 1585, which, as Jane 
says, "was the most deformed, rocky, and mountain- 
ous land that ever wee sawe." 

Davis himself writes : " The lothsome view of the 
shore and irksome noyse of the yce was such as that 
it bred strange conceites among us, so that we sup- 
posed the place to be wast, and voyd of any sensible 
or vegitable creatures, whereupon I called the same 

Tliis must not be confounded with Cape Desola- 
tion on the south coast of Greenland, which w^as 
not passed until the 24th. In all probability the 
land first seen by Davis was to the northward of 
Cape Discord, on the east coast of Greenland, for 
after siffhtinor it he coasted alon^j the shore to the 
southward for two or three days, and then to the 
west-south-west. Coasting to the north, he entered 
and named Gilberts Sound, in lat. 64 cleg. 15 min. ; 
then, crossing the strait, which bears his name, he 
sighted land on the west side, along which he sailed 

Jane of St. Dominick, in Cornwall, is mentioned as marrying 
Elizabeth, diui^hter of EdAard Scawen, who died in loOS. 
1 See page 206. 


as far north as lat. 66 deg. 40 min., naming the 
different places of prominence as he went along after 
old friends, and old familiar haunts. Thus we have 
Mount Ealeigh, Cape Walsingham, Gilbert Sound, 
Totnes Road, and Exeter Sound. 

After exploring some distance up Cumberland 
Gulf, where they "sawe many fayre sounds, whereby 
we were persuaded that it was no firme land, but 
islands", the season being far advanced, it was re- 
solved to return to England, having first of all 
thought what was best for the "safeguarde of their 
credites and satisfying of the adventurers"; and they 
arrived at Dartmouth on the 30th of September. 

On his return from this voyage Davis wrote a 
letter' " To the Right Honorable S^ Ffrances Wal- 
singham, Knight, one of her Ma*^'" most honorable 
Pryvy Counsyle," which runs as follows : — 

'^ Right honorable most dutyfully craving pardon for this 
my rashe boldnes, I am herby, according to my duty, to 
signyfy vnto yo"^ honor that the north-west passage is a 
matter nothing doubtful), but at any tjrae almost to be 
passed, the sea navigable, voyd of yse, the ayre tollerable, 
and the waters very depe. I have also found an yle of very 
grate quantytie, not in any globe or map dyscrybed, yelding 
a sufficient trade of furre and lether, and although this 
passage hath bine supposed very impassible, yeat through 
Gods mercy, I am in experience ann ey wyttues to the con- 
trary, yea in this most desperate clymate ; which, by 
Gods help, I wyll very shortly most at large revele vnto 
yo^ honor so sone as I can possible take order for my mary- 
ners and shipping. Thus depending up" yo'^ honors good 

^ In the Laiisdowne MSS., xlvi, fol. 41. 

c 2 


favor, I most humbly comytt you to God this third of Oc- 

" Yo' honors for ever most dutyfuU, 

'^JoHN Davys. 
«3 0ct. 1585, 

"John Davy to Mr. Sec. Walsingham." 

This letter, a facsimile of which is produced as a 
frontispiece to the present work, was written three 
days after Davis s return to England. It will thus be 
seen that the energetic explorer set to work almost 
immediately on his arrival to induce people to join 
with him in fitting out another expedition for the 
discovery of the North-West Passage. So well did 
he succeed, that in six months' time he had obtained 
a considerable sum of money, besides the requisite 
number of ships, to enable him with a greater chance 
of success to carry out his enterprise. 

The merchants of the west country appear in this 
instance to have been the largest contributors to the 
venture, besides being the owners of the vessels, for, 
quoting from Mr. Cotton's work,^ previously referred 
to, we read the following entry in the minute book 
of the Exeter Guild : — 

" 19th April 1586. — Here ffolloweth the names of those 
persons that did adventure their money with Mr. Adrian 
Gilbto and Mr. John Davies in a Voiago for the discovery 
of China, the siventh daio of Aprill, in the xxviij yeare of the 
rayne of o^ soverayne Ladie Elizabeth. 

"The merchants of Exeter contributed - -£475 

„ „ Totnes „ - - 375 

„ „ London „ - - 102 10 

„ ,, Cullompton ,, - - 25 

* An EUzahethni Gvild of the City of Exdcr, 


'^ The merchants of Charde contributed - 
„ „ Tiverton 

Richard, Ducke of Hevitree 
Symon Saunders of Taunton 
John Yonge of Axminster 
Thomas Southcott of Calverley 
Christopher Broderidge of Totnes 















It will be seen that for this voyage the merchants 
of Devonshire contributed a very much larger share 
than those of London, in addition to which, according 
to Mr. Cotton, the following merchants of Exeter 
owned the ships,^ which we find were the Mermmjde 
of 120 "tunnes", the Sunneshine, of 60, and the 
Mooneshiney of 35, with *'a pynace of 10 tunnes, 
named the North Starve" : — 

Mr. John Peryam, 
„ John Applyn, 
„ Richard Dorchester, 
,, Bichard Jurden, 
,, William Easton.* 

The little squadron sailed from Dartmouth on the 
7th of May, 1586, but after crossing the sixtieth 
parallel of latitude Davis divided his fl.eet, sending 
a couple of the ships under Capt. Pope to explore on 

^ I am inclined to think that this statement is inaccurate ; for 
Davis, in his " Worlde*s Hydrographicall Description", expressly 
tells us that the Mooneshine was owned by Mr. William Sanderson. 
The Mermaid and Sunshine were perhaps the property of the 
Exeter merchants. 

^ William Eston was master of the Sunshine in Davis*s first ex^ 
pedition, and sailed with him also in the following one. 


the east side of Greenland, while he himself, with 
the Mermaid and Moonshine, proceeded up Davis 
Strait. After sigliting Cape Farewell, Davis reached 
the harbour, on the west coast of Greenland, which 
he had discovered the previous year, and called 
Gilbert Sound. Here a pinnace, which had been 
conveyed across the Atlantic on board the Mermayde, 
was hoisted out and equipped, a small vessel being 
considered necessary for the exploration of tlie 
various sounds and bays it was thought probable 
they w^ould discover. 

At this place they met a great number of natives, 
with whom they had friendly intercourse. Davis, 
who is himself the historian of this voyage, says that 
as many as a hundred canoes or kayaks would come 
off to the ship at one time. We cannot help being 
struck at the innocent and unsuspecting nature of 
these Eskimos, who for the first time came into 
contact with Europeans, and wath the friendly feeling 
tliey displayed. We read that they were "very 
diligent to attend us, and to helpe us up the rocks, 
and likewise downe. At length I was desirous to 
have our men leape with them, which was done ; but 
our men did overleape them. From leaping they 
went to wrestling. We found them strong and 
nimble, and to have skill in wrestling, for they cast 
some of our men that w^ere good wrestlers.'' These 
natives, m spite of the friendship that appeared to 
animate them, could not divest themselves entirely 
of their thievish propensities, which at last reached 
such a height as nearly to cause a rupture of the 


friendly union that existed between them and the 
English. When he departed, Davis committed an 
unjustifiable act in kidnapping one of the Eskimos. 
It may be presumed that the poor fellow did not long 
survive his captivity, for in a marginal note to the 
narrative, inserted either by Hakluyt or by Davis 
himself, we read : " One of the natives ta.ken, which 
afterwards died." An interesting discovery was 
made during the stay of the ships in Gilbert Sound, 
namely, a grave over which a cross had been laid. 
It is possible that this spot was the last resting 
place of some of the old Norman colonists of South 
Greenland, those settlers in the East and West 
Bygd, whose fate, to this day, is involved in 

In consequence of some of the men growing sick 
and feeble, and, as Davis expresses it, "withal hope- 
lesse of good successe", he determined to send the 
Mermaid home, while he, in the Moonshine, would 
'* proceed in this action as God should direct me". 
Anchoring in a large fiord near old Sukkertoppen, 
on the coast of Greenland, his ship was revictualled 
from the Mermaid, which shortly after sailed for 
England, where she arrived safely in due course. 
Davis sailed to the westward, and made the land on 
the opposite side of the strait, near Exeter Sound ; 
but, curiously enough, he fails to recognise that this 
was the land he had discovered during his previous 
voyage, or, if he does, he makes no mention of the 
fact. Sailing to the south-west, he sighted " a fayre 
promontory in 65 degrees, having no land to the 


south". This could be no other than the headland 
called by him in the preceding year the Cape of 
God s Mercy. He continues, '' Heere we had great 
hope of a through passage," meaning the North- West 
Passage, the " hope" being, without doubt, Cumber- 
land Gulf, up which he had sailed the previous year, 
yet he makes no mention of having been here before, 
nor docs he attempt to search for " the passage" up 
this gulf, but, continuing his course to the south- 
ward, he landed on some of the numerous islands on 
the north side of Frobisher Bay. He then sailed 
southwards, passing the entrance into Hudson Strait, 
but without observing it, and sailed along tlie coast 
of Labrador. Here they succeeded in catching an 
immense number of cod,^ great quantities of which 
they salted, and took home to England. Some were 
sent as a sample to the Lord High Treasurer. They 
arrived in the beginning of October, finding that the 
Sunneshine, which vessel Davis had sent to explore 
along the east coast of Greenland, had arrived some 
few days before them ; but the unfortunate little 
pinnace, the North Starve, which had been placed 
under the orders of the captain of the Sunneslihie, 
had been lost sight of in a great storm on the 
night of the 3rd of September, and was never seen 

Davis, in his letter to Mr. Sanderson reporting his 
arrival in England, states that the Sun7}eshine, after 
going to Iceland, had been to Greenland, and thence 

^ Being unprovided with fishing tackle of any description, hooks 
were made from long spike nails. 


to Estotiland, which was the name then given to 
Labrador. But after a very careful perusal of 
Mr. Morgan's narrative of the cruise of the Sunne- 
shine, I cannot but think that Davis must have been 
labouring under some error when he made the state- 
ment ; for in Morgan's account it is very clearly re- 
corded that after leaving Iceland they sighted Green- 
land, and, sailing along the coast of Desolation, 
eventually anchored in Gilbert Sound. Here they 
remained until they took their final departure for 
England. Had they crossed Davis Strait and reached 
Labrador, some mention of it would assuredly have 
been made. There is another point on which I can- 
not reconcile the two documents. Davis says, in 
his letter just quoted, that the Sunneshine arrived 
at Dartmouth on the 4th of October, whereas 
Mr. Morgan, who was actually on board the ship, 
concludes his narrative as follows : " The 3 (of Octo- 
ber) we coasted all along the shore, and the 4 and 
5. The 6 of the sayd moneth of October we came 
into the river of Thames, as high as Ratcliffe in 
safetie, God be thanked." Surely if they had 
touched, even for a few hours, at Dartmouth, such 
an important event would have been recorded. 

The indefatigable Davis, immediately on his return 
from this voyage, renewed his advocacy for the 
dispatch of another expedition. He was encouraged 
in this by the Lord High Treasurer and Sir Francis 
Walsingham, besides being supported by his former 
friends, Mr. Wm. Sanderson, Mr. Adrian Gilbert, 
and a few of the London merchants. But, as he 


tells US, ^'all the westerne marchant adventurers fell 
from the action". 

That it was proposed to these latter is evident, 
from the following minute of the court of the Eliza- 
bethan Guild at Exeter. 

" 16 Dec. 1687. — Also at the same Courte there was made 
a coppie of certaine articles under divers of the Companies 
handes concorninge a newe adventure with Mr. Adrian 
Gilberte and Mr. John Davyes to China and Cathay, where - 
uppon Mr. Governo' did move the whole Companie what 
they intended to do therein, and praied there resolute 
answere, who agreed that Mr. Nicholas Martyn, Mr. 
Nicholas Spicer, Mr. Sampforde, Mr. Hack well, and Mr. 
Jasper Ilorssey, shall consider of all the accomptes of the 
voiage heretofore made by the said Adrian Gilbte and John 
Davies, and shall also set doune what they think fit to be 
answered to the said articles with as much speade as con- 
veyniently they maie, which said articles and I'res were by 
Mr. Governo' delivered to Mr. Sampforde in open Courte.'' 

The unprofitable result of Davis's second voyage, 
together with the loss of a bale of cloth, mentioned 
in the following minute, would, in all probability, 
account for the withdrawal of the Exeter merchants 
from venturing their money in a third expedition. 
The minute runs as follows : — 

"15 Feb. 1588. — It is ordered by the companie then 
presente, that Mr. Nicholas Spicer, John Hack well, Richard 
Dorchester, and Jasper Horssey, should deale with Mr. 
William Martyn for the examination of the accomptes of the 
last voiage in the Mannaide to China, and that the same be 
brought in orderly made at the next Courte ; and also to 
enquire of a ballet of cloth reported to be missinge, that 
restitucion maie be made unto every adventurer accordinge 
to the p'porcon of the same." 


The successful capture of fish made by Davis 
during his last voyage off the coast of Newfound- 
land was, no doubt, used as an incentive for the 
despatch of another expedition, the adventurers being 
unwilling a third time to risk their money without 
seeing a fair prospect of gain. 

A third voyage was therefore ultimately decided 
upon, and the conduct of it was again entrusted to 
Davis, who had under his orders three ships, in one 
of which he was himself to proceed on his voyage of 
discovery, whilst the two others were to be employed 
entirely for fishing. The value of their cargoes, it 
was hoped, would be not only sufficient to defray 
the expenses of the expedition, but also realise a 
snail profit to the company. The ships employed 
were the Elizabeth of Dartmouth, the size or ton- 
nage of which is not mentioned ; the Sunneshine of 
London, presumably the one owned by Mr. Sander- 
son, and therefore between 50 and 60 tons ; and a 
little pinnace called the Ellen of London. 

Although we have two different accounts of this 
voyage, one written by Davis himself, and one by 
Mr. Sanderson s nephew, John Jane, we are not told 
in which vessel Davis sailed, and which were the 
two ordered to fish. 

I am inclined, however, to think that Davis elected 
to proceed on his adventurous cruise in the ElleUy 
the smallest of the three, as he concluded she would 
be the handiest and best for ice navigation. From 
various allusions made to this vessel in Jane s narra- 


tive, it seems more than probable that she did not 
exceed 20 tons burthen ! 

Sailing from Dartmouth on the 19th of May, the 
little squadron sighted land on the 1 4th of the fol- 
lowing montL This must have been the coast of 
Greenland, between the present Danish settlements 
of Frederikshaab and Fiskernaes. Cape Farewell and 
the south coast of Greenland had therefore been 
rounded without being seen. 

Steering to the northward the three ships came 
to an anchor, "among many low islands", in latitude 
64 deg. on the 16th of June. 

Although not mentioned, their anchorage appears 
to be, from the position and description, no other 
than the Gilbert Sound that had been visited by 
Davis during his two preceding voyages. Here 
they had a Uttle trouble with the Eskimos ; 
but this seems to have been caused by the imprudent 
conduct of the master of the Sunshine^ who made a 
prisoner of one of them, and carried him on board 
his ship. What became of him is not related. 

On the 21st they sailed from this anchorage ; Davis 
on his voyiige of discovery northwards, the other two 
vessels to prosecute the fishery, the appointed place 
for which was to be on the west side of the strait, 
between the 54th and 55th parallels of latitude. 
The two vessels sent to fish sailed for England 
sixteen days after parting company with their leader, 
although the captains had faithfully promised Davis 
that they would not depart until his return, and 


that they would at any rate remain for him until the 
end of August. 

Experiencing "very hot weather", Davis sailed 
northwards, in a *' free and open sea". 

In latitude 67 deg. the land was visible on both 
sides of the ship, that is, to the eastward and west- 
ward, so that Davis was under the impression that 
he was sailing up a gulf. He was then abreast of 
the present Danish settlement of Holsteinborg. Sail- 
ing onwards, however, the passage increased in width, 
so that he could not see the western shore. 

Off the Island of Disco they communicated with a 
number of Eskimos, thirty of whom came out to them 
in their kayaks, bringing skins, fish, and birds, which 
they bartered for nails, bracelets, and knives. 

With scarcely any hindrance from the ice Davis 
continued to sail in a northerly direction along the 
Greenland coast, until he reached the latitude of 
72 deg. 12 min. N., where he found " the sea all open 
to the westwards and northwards". The natives here 
come off in great numbers, as many as a hundred at 
a time, all eager to exchange their commodities for 
English goods. 

The wind coming from the northward, compelled 
Davis to leave this coast and sail to the westward, 
which he was of course the more inclined to do, as 
his great object was the discovery of a north-west 

The highest point of land reached on the Green- 
land coast was named by Davis, after his friend and 
patron, "Sanderson, his hope," as it was there he 


Arctic regions. He, of course, had to experience a 
certain amount of captious criticism and ill-natured 
abuse from "the stay-at-home-at-ease party", regard- 
ing the failure of his enterprise. He answers these 
detractors in his Worldes Hydrograpldcal Descrip' 
tioTiy published in 1595, as he says, "to stay this 
objection, why hath not Davis discovered this passage, 
being thrice that wayes iraploied ?" 

It is evident, from a letter written by Baffin, that 
Davis was blamed by some for his want of success. 
This letter was written in 1616, on Baffin's return 
from his adventurous and memorable voyage to 
the head of the bay which now bears his name. 
It is addressed to "the Right Worshipful John 
Wostenholm, Esqre," etc., and in it Baffin magnani- 
mously defends his brother navigator from the impu- 
tations that had been cast upon him. He says, 
alluding to Davis Strait, "we found it to be no 
other than a great Bay, and no hopes of a Passage ; 
however Mr. Davis was not to be blamed for his 
Report, the Sea being open, and of an unsearchable 
depth, as far as Hope Sanderson." 

All honour to noble William Baffin for this gene- 
rous sentence. We can, in these days, fully appre- 
ciate the desperate and almost reckless gallantry 
which Davis displayed in navigating his little bark 
amidst unknown and constantly recurring dangers, 
and the skill and seamanship which enabled him to 
bring her home in safety across the Atlantic. This 
last voyage of his stands out conspicuously as a 
masterly and daring feat that in after years bore 


good fruit. It was a guide to others, and it un- 
doubtedly lighted Master Hudson "into his strait".^ 
Davis's Traverse Book, given in its entirety from 
page 49 to 58, is a detailed record of the voyage 
from his own pen, and is the model on which the 
log books of ships have since been formed. 

On his return it became the duty of Davis to re- ~j 
concile his geographical discoveries with the previous 
work of Frobisher, and, if possible, with the old map 
of the Zeni, which was still esteemed as an autho- 
rity. Unfortunately the large scale map which was 
prepared by Davis is now lost. We only have the 
results, as delineated by himself on the Molyneux 
globe,* and on the "new map*' of the world, prepared 
under the superintendence of Wright.* The latter 
is reproduced in the present volume. 

Davis had to harmonise his work with universally 
received errors. Frobisher had taken with him the 
old map of the Zeni, which was first published in 
1558. When he sighted Greenland he assumed that 
it was the Frisland of the Zeni. Davis, when he 
reached the Greenland coast, in 61 deg. N., at once ^ 



^ Luke Fox says " Davis did, I conceive, light Hudson into hia 

^ Davis fathers the delineation of his discoveries on the Moly- 
neux Globe in his " World's Hydrographical Description". See 
page 211. 

* On the "New Map", the discoveries of Davis are shown 
exactly as on the Globe. Davis evidently had a hand in both. 
A passage in the " Certain Errors" of Wright, compared with the 
descriptive title on the Map, justifies the inference that Wright 
^as the author of that Map of the World, which is the first that 



saw that it was not the Frisland of the Zeno map, 
while it was too far south to be the Engroenland of 
the Zeni. So he named it Desolation, and the more 
northern part he called the London Coast. But the 
narrators of Frobisher's voyages gave no indication 
of longitude, so Davis assumed that the discoveries 
of his predecessor were on this coast. He therefore 
made Frobishers strait pass through Greenland, 
leaving an island to the south. He would the more 
readily do this because he himself did not see the 
land between 61 dear. 30 min. N. and 64 deff. 15 min. 
N. On the north side of this imaginary strait he 
placed **Meta Incognita", of Frobisher, as well as his 
own "Desolation" and "London Coast". On the 
island he has only one name, **Reg. Elizabeth Fore- 
land", in the place of Cape Farewell. Owing to the 

' was drawn in England on the projection, the principle of which 
Wright discovered and made known. 

Title of " New Maf. WrigM% ''Certain Errors in 

« Thou hast here, gentle NavigationT. 

reader, a true hydrographicall " Suppose a spherical super- 

description of so much of the ficies with meridians, parallels, 

world as hath beene hitherto mmbes, and the whole hydro- 

discovered and is come to our graphical description drawne 

knowledge, which we have in therefrom, to be inscribed on a 

such sort performed, y t all places concave cylinder, these axes 

herein set down have the same agreeing in one ... In this nau- 

position and distances that they tical planisphere thus conceived 

have in the globe, being therein to be made, al places must needes 

placed in same longitudes and bee situate in the same longitudes 

latitudes which they have in thi^ and directions or courses, and 

chart, which, by the ordinary upon the seme meridians, paralels, 

sea chart, can in no wise be rumbes that they were in the 

performed. " globe, " 


small scale of the Molyneux globe there was not 
space for all the names given by Davis in his narra- 
tive. The names inserted on the Greenland side are, 
from north to south :^ — 

Hope Sanderson, 72° 41' N. 

London Coast. 

Lord Darcie's Islands. 


Meta Incognita. 

Frobisher Strait. 

Reg. Elizabeth Foreland, 6V 30' N. 

The latitudes are from the "Index Geographicus," 
made for the globe by Robert Hues. The mistake 
of placing "Meta Incognita" and " Frobisher s Strait" 
on the Greenland side was repeated on the map of 
Hudson in 1612, and others. Frisland is placed in 
62 deg. N., east of Desolation ; but the west side of 
Greenland, up to Hope Sanderson, which had been 
surveyed by Davis, was shown correctly on the 
Molyneux globe, and so passed into all maps. 

On the west side of Davis Strait, which is also 
shown correctly by Davis, the following names are 
given on the Molyneux globe :* — 

C. Bedford. 
Sanderson's Tower. 
Mount Rawleigh, 66° 40' N. 
Cumberland Isles. 

1 Gilbert Sound, mentioned in the narrative, is not on the 

* Cape Walsingham, Totnea Road, Exeter Sound, 
Cape God*s Mercy, Cape Chidley, and Darcies 
given in the narrative to places on the west side of 
are not on the Globe. 


Lumley'a Inlet. 

Wanvick Foreland. 

"A furious overfall," 00° N. 

The ''furious overfair* of Davis, which is not, how- 
ever, mentioned by that name in his narrative, is 
clearly the entrance to Hudson Strait. In the 
narrative of the third voyage is the following 
passage: "We passed by a very great gulfe, the 
water whirling and roring, as it were the meeting 
of tides" (p. 47). This of course is the "furious 
overfall" of the Molyneux globe, and both are Hud- 
son's Strait. Davis, like Frobisher, uses the nomen- 
clature of the Zeno map, and both Estotiland and 
Frisland are on the globe. Estotiland is placed 
south of Hudson Strait. 

Thus were the discoveries of Davis placed on 
permanent record on the globe, and on the "new 
map", while an atten)pt was made by the half light 
of the knowledge of those days to harmonise the 
new work with the assumed results of previous 
voyages. The narratives of the northern voyages of 
Davis were first printed in 1589 in Hakluyt's Princi- 
pall Navigations. 

We next find Davis joining the squadron of the 
Earl of Cumberland off the Azores in August 1589. 
His history, from his return from the Arctic regions 
until this date — ^a period of about two years — remains 
a blank. Nor can it be satisfactorily ascertained how 
it came about that he joined his fortunes to those of 
the Earl. In the account of the voyage at page 65, 
we read that "Master John Davis, with shippe, pin- 


nesse and boate, joined the fleet." By this it would 
appear that Davis was himself in command of a 
couple of vessels, for the ** boate", it may be pre- 
sumed, was only such as could be carried on board 
one of the ships. I am inclined to think that 
these vessels were the property of Mr. Sanderson, 
who was ever a firm friend and patron to Davis. 
Moreover, it is stated that with Davis was a Captain 
Markesburie, in command of a ship belonging to Sir 
Walter Raleigh, named the Barke of Lime, and as it 
is well known that a great friendship existed between 
Raleigh and Sanderson, who were connections by 
marriage, it is more than probable that their ships 
were sent to sea together, to act in concert one with 
the other. Be this as it may, it is quite certain that 
they attached themselves to the squadron under the 
Earl of Cumberland, and participated in the various 
actions fought by that nobleman — an account of 
which will be found from pages 65 to 92 of this 
volume. How or when Davis returned to England 
is not mentioned, but that those serving in the fleet 
endured great hardships, from a scarcity of fiesh 
water, is evident from the narrative, which was 
written by Mr. Wright,^ the hydrographer. 

^ Edward Wright was bom at Gaveston in Norfolk, in about 
1560. In 1589 he accompanied the Earl of Cumberland in his 
expedition to the Azores, wrote the narrative of the voyage, and 
constructed some new charts. He was a very eminent mathema- 
tician, and discovered the true method of projecting charts by in- 
creasing the distance between meridians, which is erroneously 
attributed to Mercator. In 1599 he published a book entitled 


This is the only voyage out of twelve sent forth 
by the Earl of Cumberland that Hakluyt gives room 
for in his work. Purchas, in his Pilgrinies, supplies 
an abstract of all the twelve voyages. His account 
of this particular expedition agrees in the main with 
that given in Hakluyt, and reprinted in this volume. 
Still he supplies some additional information, which 
Hakluyt has failed to publish. For instance, the 
latter authority makes no mention whatever of a 
severe fight, which seems to have followed shortly 
after the engagement at the Island of St. Mary's,^ in 
which two men were killed and sixteen wounded. 
Reverting to this action, Purchas tells us: "But a 
greater losse followed, while the Earle in person 
sought to get the other ship, Captaine Lyster rashly 
disvaluing the enemies force, the barre also detayn- 
ing them on ground, in the midst of danger from 
the enemie, to the losse and hurt of eightie men. 
His lordship received three shots upon his target, 
and a fourth on the side, not deepe ; his head also 
broken with stones, that the bloud covered his face, 
both it and his legs likewise burned with fire balls.' 


Certain Errors in Namgation Detected and Corrected^ the second 
edition appearing in 1610. He also, in conjunction with Henry 
Briggs, the Professor of Geometry at Oxford, promoted the intro- 
duction of the use of logarithms, and translated Napier's Loga- 
rithmorum Descriptio into English. He was preceptor to Henry 
Prince of Wales, and had a very elaborate celestial globe con- 
structed for his use. In 1616 he received an appointment from 
the East India Company to perfect their charts, with a salary of 
£50 a year ; but died in London a few months afterwards. 
^ See page 77. ^ Purchas. 


This was a very serious loss, and one of such a 
character that it is difficult to form any idea as to 
the reason of its omission from the account written 
by Mr. Wright. 

Purchas ako, in describing the extremities they 
were reduced to from the scarcity of water, tells us 
that ten or twelve died every night ; whilst during 
the tempestuous weather encountered on the passage 
home^ we are told in the same account that, pre- 
sumably by a heavy sea, *'His lordship's cabin, the 
dining roome, and halfe decke became all one, and 
his lordship was forced to make a new lodging in the 

Thirteen prizes altogether were captured by the 
squadron during this cruise, the most valuable of 
which, however, was wrecked off the coast of Corn- 
wall, and only a portion of the goods on board was 

Davis, we may suppose, participated in the pro- 
fits derived from the voyage, but whether he re- 
mained on shore for the next eighteen months, 
enjoying the fruits of his labour, or whether he kept 
the sea, is uncertain. It is more than probable that 
the latter was the case, for in the State Papers of 1592 
we find the following statement. A ship called the 
Uggera Salvagnia had been seized by vessels com- 
manded by T. Middleton, Erasmus Harvey, and 
John Davis. She contained goods belonging to 
Philip Corsini and other Italian merchants. There 
was a lawsuit. Sir Walter Raleigh acted on be- 

^ See page 86. 


half of Davis, and a compromise appears to have 
been arrived at in February 1591. Of course this 
may have been one of the vessels captured by Davis 
whilst serving under the Earl of Cumberland, but 
by Sir Walter Raleigh appearing for Davis it would 
seem that the latter was absent from England 
duiing the law suit, and if absent, then probably 
engaged in some seafaring enterprise. 

The next we hear of Davis is occupying an im- 
portant position as Captain of the Desire^ one of a 
squadron destined for a voyage to the South Sea 
under the command of Thomas Cavendish, who had 
recently returned from a successful voyage round 
the world. Davis himself gives his reason for join- 
ing this expedition. He says that such was his 
vehement desire for the performance of the passage 
round America that this motive alone induced him 
to go with Cavendish. He adds that Cavendish 
promised that when they reached California, he 
should have a pinnace, with his own bark, to search 
for the passage on the back parts of America.* Thus 
this voyage also, so far as Davis was concerned, may 
be looked upon as an attempt to achieve the great 
enterprise which the gallant navigator had so much 
at heart. 

Davis's old friend and follower, who had accom- 
panied him in two out of his three Arctic voyages, 
sailed in the Desire^ and wrote the history of the 
voyage. The little fleet, numbering five ships, sailed 

^ Tlio same vessel in wliich Cavendish had circumnavigated 
the globe. ^ Preface to the Seaman's Secrets. 


from Plymouth in August 1591. It consisted of 
the Admiral's ship the galleon Leicester ; the Roe 
Bucke, Captain Cocke ; the Desire^ Captain Davis ; 
the bark, Daintie, Captain Cotton ; and the Black 
Pinnace^ Captain Tobie ; carrying in all a force of 
about 400 men. The bark was the property of 
Davis and Adrian Gilbert. 

The year 1591, in which this fleet sailed from 
Plymouth, was memorable in the annals of naval 
enterprise, for it was the same year in which the 
first English voyage to the East Indies was xmder- 
taken, led by Raymond and Lancaster. 

In spite of the brilliant success of Cavendish in 
his voyage of circumnavigation, in 1586-88, he does 
not appear to have been gifted with the qualities 
which the leader of a great enterprise should possess. 
In his second expedition, after sacking several places 
along the coast of Brazil, the Strait of Magellan was 
entered on the 14th of April 1592, from which time 
commenced the series of disasters that eventually 
terminated in the total failure of the expedition. 
The men suffered from scurvy, cold, and the want of 
good provisions, to such an extent that many died, 
and to add to their misfortunes the Admiral parted 
company with the rest of the squadron. The Desire 
and Black Pinnace were lost sight of during the 
night, whilst the Roehxicke shortly afterwards 
deserted him. Although Cavendish, with almost his 
dying breath, accuses Davis of having basely deserted 
him, there is really no reason to suppose that such 
was the case ; for it is very clearly recorded by the 

xlii INTRODUCrriON. 

chronicler of Davis* voyage that the Admiral was lost 
sight of in the night ; but ** whether we lost them 
or they us we protest we know not". It is, how- 
ever, very evident that they remained in the Straits 
of Magellan and visited the different rendezvous in 
full confidence of again meeting their Admiral, and 
that Davis attempted no less than three times to 
sail into the South Seas, but was invariably driven 
back by strong north-westerly gales, in one of which 
the Black Pinnesse was lost sight of and never after- 
wards seen. It was not until the end of the year 
1592 that Davis relinquished all hope of prosecuting 
his voyage to the westward, and that he sailed from 
Port Desire, shaping his course homewards. Caven- 
dish had long ere this abandoned all idea of sailing 
into the South Sea, and had died, probably of a 
broken heart, some eight or ten degrees to the north- 
ward of the Equator on his way home. Davis' 
troubles did not end with his departure from the 
Strait of Magellan, for several of his men were 
killed by the Portuguese on the Coast of Brazil, 
whilst others were lost in a boat that never returned. 
To add to their miseries, the stock of dried penguins 
that had been laid in " began to corrupt". 

In this wretched state they at length arrived at 
Berehaven in Ireland on the 14th June 1593. Out 
of the seventy-six that had sailed in the ship from 
England two years before, only Captain Davis and 
fifteen men lived to return. 

Purchas, in a high-flown peroration, immediately 
preceding Master Cavendish's own account of his 


voyage, refers to the supposed desertion of Davis in 
the following words. 

'^Some passionate speeches of Master Candish against 
some private persons not employed in this action, I have 
suppressed, some others I have let passe ; not that I charge 
Captaine Davis or others, but that it may appeare what the 
Generall thought of them. Master Hakluyt hath published 
Master Janets report of this voyage, which makes more 
favourable on Captaine Davis his side. If hee did deale 
treacherously, treacherie found him out, as in his last voyage 
before is declared. If any thinke the Captaine here to 
conceive amisse, I shall be willing to have the most charit- 
able conceit, and therefore remit the Reader to Master 
Hakluyt^B Relation aforesaid, for his apologie.^' 

Cavendish's account of the voyage appears to have 
been written on his death-bed and is addressed to 
Sir Tristram Gorges, whom he names as his executor. 
It is only necessary here to allude to that part of 
his narrative which has a distinct reference to Davis. 
After complaining in the most bitter and querulous 
manner of the unfortunate issue of the enterprise, 
he goes on to say — 

''The Roe-hucJce left me in the most desolate case that 
ever man was left in; what is become of her I cannot 
imagine : if shee bee returned into England, it is a most 
admirable matter ; but if shee bee at home, or any other of 
my goods whatsoever returne into England, I have made 
you onely Possessor of them. And now to come to that 
villaine that hath beene the death of me, and the decay of 
this whole action — I meane Davis, — whose onely treacherie 
in running from me, hath beene an utter mine of all ; if any 
good retunie by him, as ever you love mee, make such 
friend as he of all others may reape least gaine. I assure 
myself you will bee carefull in all friendship of my last 


requests. My debts which be owing be not much^ etc. 
But I (most unfortunate villaine) was matched with the 
most abject minded and mutinous companio that ever was 
carried out of England by any man living.'' 

After describing the voyage to Port Desire and 
the Stmit of Magellan, he relates, in the following 
words, the desertion of Davis. ^ 

'' We were beaten out of the Strait with a most monstrous 
storme at West- South- West, from which place we con- 
tinued together, till we came in the latitude of fortie-seven, 
in which place Davis in the Desire, and my Pinnesse lost me 
in the night, after which time I never heard of them, but 
(as I since understood) Davis his intention was ever to run 
away. This is Gods will, that I should put him in trust, 
that should be the end of my life, and the decay of the 
whole action. For, had not these two small ships parted 
from us, we would not have miscarried on the coast of 
Brasile ; for the onely decay of us was, that wee could not 
get into their barred Harbours. What became of these 
small ships, I am not able to judge ; but sure, it is most 
like, they went backe againo for Port Desire, a place of 
reliefe, for two so small ships. For they might lye on 
ground there without danger, and being so few men, they 
might relieve themselves with Scales and Birds, and so 
take a good time of the yeere, and passe the Streits. The 
men in these small ships were all lustio, and in health : 
wherefore the likeliest to hold out. The short of all is this: 
Davis his ouely intent was utterly to overthrow me, which 
he hath well performed." 

Before his death, which occurred on the voyage 
home, Cavendish made his will, bequeathing among 
other items the Desire^ the ship commanded by 
Davis, to Sir George Gary. This is mentioned in 
the following words, in his letter to Sir Tristram 


Gorges — '* I have given Sir George Gary the Desire, 
if euer shee returne, for I alwayes promised him her, 
if shee returned, and a little part of her getting, if 
any such thing happen. I pray you see it per- 

By this it would appear that the Desire was the 
property of Mr. Candish ;^ the Daintie belonged 
partly to Mr. Adrian Gilbert and partly to Davis, 
but we are not told who owned the other two ships ; 
they either belonged to Cavendish or were the pro- 
perty of a company of adventurers, who had sub- 
scribed together in order to equip and dispatch this 
expedition. I am inclined to think that the Roe- 
buck was the property of Sir George Gary, as also 
were some of the guns in the galleon, for in the 
latter part of his letter, Gavendish says he has given 
instructions to his master " to see his peeces of ord- 
nance delivered unto him (Sir George) and if the 
Roebucke be not returned, then I have appointed 
him to deliver him two brass peeces out of this 
ship." He concludes his letter — "Beare with this 
scribling, for I protest I am scant able to hold a pen 
in my hand." 

There is no date to this letter, but it must have 
been written during the homeward passage, and to 
the northward of 8 deg. N. latitude, where he men- 
tions the death of "his most dearest cousin" John 
Locke. Gavendish himself must have died a few 
days afterwards. 

There is another narrative of this voyage, written 

^ See page 281. 



by one "Anthonie Knivet", who appears to have 
been one of the crew of Cavendish's ship. The 
account of his wonderful adventures is so exagge- 
rated, that little or no reliance can be placed in the 
accuracy of his statements ; but he testifies, at the 
very commencement of the voyage, to the mutinous 
spirit displayed by the men, and the general laxity 
of discipline that prevailed in the squadron. The 
only reference made to the desertion of Davis is as 
follows : " That day that we departed from Port 
Desire, the Generall sent for all the masters of the 
ships and commanded them that till midnight they 
should keepe their course with him, and that when 
he should shew them two lights, then they should 
cast about and beare in with the shoare, but Davis 
which was Captain of the Desire^ and Tobie, Master 
of the Pinnasse, did deceive us, and went for the 
Straits, as I was enformed afterwards.'*^ 

The way in which this man Knivet was separated 
from his ship does not speak much in favour of the 
humanity of Captain Cavendish. After having thrice 
narrowly escaped being thrown overboard as dead, 
and having lost three toes from one foot and four 
from the other from frost bite, he was reduced to 
such a miserable state from scurvy that on the arrival 
of the ship at the Island of St. Sebastian,* on the 

* This is not a true statement ; for, according to Cavendish's 
own account, and also that of John Janes, the ships were separated 
on their return voyage to Port Desire, and not the day after their 
departure from it. 

' About fifty miles south-west of Rio de Janeiro. 


coast of Brazil, he tells us, "The first thing that was 
done the sicke men were set on shoare to shiftc for 
themselves ; twentie of us were set on shoare ; all 
were able to go up and downe, although very weakly, 
but (I alas !) my toes were raw, my body was blacko, 
I could not speake nor stirre. In this case I was 
layed by the shoare side, and thus I remayned from 
five of the clocke in the morning, till it was botwceno 
eleven and twelve of the clocke, that the sunno came 
to his highest, and the extreme heate of the sunne 
pierced through my body, whereby I came to my- 
selfe, as a man awaked from sleepe, and I saw them 
that were set on shore with me, lye dead and a 
dying round about me ; these men had eaten a kind 
of pease, that did grow by the sea-side, which did 
poyson them." It is unnecessary to follow this man 
in his wonderful adventures amongst savages and 
cannibals, and his numerous hair-breadth escapes 
both on land and by sea ; suffice it to say that, after 
twelve years' wanderings in South America, he 
eventually reached his native country, where he 
published an ax5count of his travels, in comparison to 
which the adventures of Baron Munchausen are as 
every day occurrences. HLs name has only been 
introduced here as bearing upon the supposed 
desertion of Davis, and also because his statementn 
regarding the discontent of those engaged in this 
expedition are fully corroborated, not only by the 
historian of Davis's voyage, but also by Cavendish 

I believe that the true version of the apfiarent 



disloyalty of Davis is not that he wilfully abandoned 
his chief, but that being separated from him in the 
fog off Port Desire, he did not use his utmost 
endeavours to rejoin him, knowing that Cavendish 
had relinquished all further ideas of prosecuting the 
voyage into the South Seas. From Davis s sub- 
sequent actions no one can, for one moment, accuse 
him of not zealously attempting to carry out the 
object of the expedition, having, in spite of great 
hardship and suffering, and adverse winds and cur- 
rents, thrice attempted to push his w^ay into the 
South Seas. He gives his own account of the 
separation in his dedication to the Seaman*s Secrets.^ 

Davis evidently anticipated that a charge of 
desertion w^ould be brought against him, otherwise 
he would not have proposed the signing by the 
ship's company of a testimonial acquitting him of 
having purposely and designedly abandoned his 
general.^ It is a curious fact that John Jane, the 
author of the account of the expedition, a tried and 
trusty friend of Davis, who had accompanied him in 
most of his voyages, did not sign this paper. It 
bears only forty signatures, out of the seventy-six 
that composed the crew of the Desire when she left 
England ten months before. 

That Davis himself wrote an account of this 
voyage, together with a description of the Strait of 
Magellan, is evident from allusions made to it in his 
"Worlde's Hydrographical Description*'. It is much 

1 See pages 280 and 281. 

2 See page 103. 


to be regretted that this account and his survey are 
nowhere to be found. 

According to Davis, Port Desire was named as 
one of the rendezvous where the ships were to 
assemble in case of separation, and thither Davis 
immediately went on losing his chief, but Cavendish 
stood on for Brazil. Had he gone to Port Desire 
he would have found two of his missing squadron, 
the Desire and the Block Pinnace. 

Taking every thing into consideration, Davis can- 
not, with justice, be accused of having wilfully 
deserted his commanding officer. He lost him in 
a thick fog, and afterwards did his utmost, according 
to his own judgment, to rejoin him. 

It was during this period that Davis discovered 
the Falkland Islands, an honour that has also been 
accredited to Sir Richard Hawkins, who, however, 
did not sight them until 1594, or two years after 
they had been discovered by John Davis.^ Admiral 
Bumey adopted the name of "Davis's Southern 
Islands" for the Falkland Isles.* 

John Davis, after his return from the unfortunate 
voyage to the Straits of Magellan in 1593, was 
engaged in the preparation of two important nautical 
works ; one entitled the Seaman's Secrets,^ the first 

^ See note 2, page 108. 

2 See Bumey's account of the second voyage of Cavendish, in his 
Voyages to the Sovih Sea^ vol. ii, chap, vii, pages 98 to 107. 

3 Entered at Stationers' Hall on September 3rd, 1594, by the 
printer, Thomas Dawson. See Stationers' Register y ii, page 312. 
No copy of this first edition has been found. I have used the 
second edition of 1607 for the reprint in this volume. 



edition of which appeared in 1594, and the other the 
Worldes Hydrographical Description^ which was 
published in May 1595.^ 

When the age of discovery was commenced with 
the voyages of Columbus and Vasco da Gama, the 
practical importance of astronomical studies became 
apparent ; and the demand for instruction in the art 
of navigation kept increasing, as the thirst for mari- 
time enterprise extended from the Iberian peninsula 
to France, England and Holland. Regiomontanus,* 
whose real name was Johann MuUer, a native of 
Koenigsberg in Franconia, and the pupil of Pur- 
bach' of Vienna, computed the astronomical Ephe- 
merides for the years 1475 to 1506, which were 
used by Da Qama and Columbus. Martin Behaim 
of Nuremburg, who invented the application of the 

^ There is a copy in the Grenville Library at the British Museum, 
and another in the Lenox Library at New York. It was reprinted 
in the second edition of Hakluyt in 1812. 

^ Regiomontanus was born in 1436, and studied astronomy 
under Purbach at Vienna. He completed the translation of 
Ptolemy's Almagest, which had been begun by Purbach. In 1461, 
Regiomontanus went to Italy, and remained there until 1464, 
when he succeeded his old master as Professor of Astronomy at 
Vienna. While in Italy he composed his work on the solution of 
plane and spherical triangles, with a table of natural sines. Sixtus 
IV, who contemplated a reformation of the calendar, made Regio- 
montanus Archbishop of Ratisbon. He then went to Rome, where 
he died in 1475. 

' George Purbach was bom in 1423. He was Professor of 
Astronomy at Vienna, constructed several astronomical instru- 
ments, and commenced the calculation of a table of sines and the 
translation of the Almagest, which were completed by his pupil. 
He died in 1461. 


astrolabe to navigation, and constructed the earliest 
globe now extant, was a pupil of Regiomontanus. 
Spanish students of navigation were required to 
study the works of Purbach and his pupils, for the 
next two hundred years ;^ and it was not until the 
middle of the sixteenth century that a general work 
on navigation was compiled for the use of seamen. 

The first practical book on navigation* was writ- 
ten by Pedro de Medina, and published at Valla- 
dolid, with the title A7'te de Navegar, in 1545 ; and 
the second appeared at Seville, in 1556, being the 
work of Martin Cortes, entitled "a brief compen- 
dium of the sphere and of the ai-t of navigating, 
with new instruments and rules/'^ The books of 

^ In 1636 the course of instruction ordered to be given by the 
Cosmographer of the Indies was as follows : — He had to deliver 
three yearly courses of lectures, which were attended by young 
officers and pilots. The course for the first year was arithmetic 
and the De Sphasra Mundi of Sacrobosco. The second year's 
course comprised the six first books of Euclid, arcs and chords, 
right sines, tangents, and secants, the Alphonsine Tables, Purbach's 
theory of the planets, and the book of spherical triangles by Regio- 
montanus. The third year's course included the Almagest of 
Ptolemy, cosmography and the art of navigation, the use of the 
astrolabe and |its mechanism, the use and adjustments of other in- 
struments, and the method of observing the movements of the 
heavenly bodies. 

See the Ordenantas del Consejo Real de las Indicts par el Rey 
Felipe IV 1636, ccxxviii to ccxliii. Also Recopilacion de los leyes 
de los reynos de las IndiaSy Carlos II, tom. i, p. 185 (Lib. ii, titulo 
ziii, Leyes a 5). 

* The Suma de Geografia of Enciso is scarcely entitled to rank 
as a practical book for ordinaiy use, although it contains tables of 

' Breve compendia de la Sphera, y de la Arte de Navegar, can 
nuevos insirumentas y reglas : par M, Martin Cartes (Sevilla, 1556). 



Medina and Cortes contiiiued an account of the 
Ptolemaic hypothesis ; a calendar and rules to find 
the pi-ime and epact, the moon's age, and time of 
tides ; use of the compass ; tables of the sun s declin- 
ation for five yeara ; and descriptions of the sea 
chart, astrolabe, and cross staff. Contemporary 
with these works were the labours of Gemma the 
Frisian at Antwerp, who, among other improve- 
ments, invented a new cross staff in 1545, and pub- 
lished his De Principiis Astronomice. The great 
demand for instruction in all the maritime coun- 
tries of Europe, led to numerous translations of 
the first Spanish books on navigation. Italian and 
French editions of Medina came out at Venice and 
Lyons in 1554, and a Flemish edition at Antwerp in 
1580.^ It was also translated into Dutch by Martin 
Everart Brug at Amsterdam in 1598,^ and into 
English by J. Frampton in 1581. But the work of 
Cortes was more popular in England. At the 
suggestion of Stephen Burrough, the Arctic navi- 
gator and distinguished pilot, Richard Eden pub- 
lished an English translation of Cortes in 1561, of 
which there were several editions. 

' Tho edition of Medina, which was published at Antwerp in 
1580, has a special interest ; for a copy of it was taken up to the 
Arctic Regions by Barents in his third voyage, and was found by 
Captain Carlsen at Ice Haven in 1871, having been lying there 
since 1596. It is now in the Naval Museum at the Hague. It is 
a quarto volume, containing the Art of Navigation, by Pedro de 
Medina, with the new instructions of Michel Coignet. 

2 This new edition, by Martin Everart Brug, was published in 
l/)9d by Cornelis Claesz at Amsterdam. It also contained the 
new instructions by Coignet. 


Wlien Martin Frobisher undertook his first voy- 
age in 1576, he was of course supplied with the 
best instruments and works of navioration then in 
existence. A list of them has been preserved. He 
had a French book on cosmography by Andreas 
Thevet, a Spanish edition of Medina, a great globe 
in blank, a nautical sphere, a clock, an iistronomical 
ring, and an astrolabe, a cross staff, twenty com- 
passes of sorts, eighteen hour glasses, a great chart 
of navigation, the general map by Mercator, and 
three small printed charts. 

The best English navigation book, when Davis 
wrote, was the Regiment of tJie Sea by William 
Bourne, which was designed as a supplement to the 
work of Cortes. Among other new matters it gives 
the places and declinations of thirty-two principal 
stars, and describes the log and line.^ The first 

* This is probably the earliest account of the log and line. 
Bourne says: — "To knowe the shippes way some doe use this, 
which (as I take it) is very good. They have a peece of wood, 
and a line to vere out over boord, which they make fast at one 
ende ; and at the other ende, and in the middle, they have a peece 
of a line which they make fast with a small thread to stand like 
unto a crow foote : for this purpose, that it should drive asteme 
as fast as the shippo doth go away from it, alwaies having ye line 
so ready that it goeth out so fast as the ship goeth. In like 
manner, they have an houre glasse of a minute, so that the line 
being out may be stopt just with that time that the glass is out. 
Which done, they hale in the logge or piece of wood, and looke 
how many fadom the shippe hath gone in that time. That being 
known, they multiply the number of fadoms by the portion of 
time, or part of an hour. Whereby you may know how many 
leagues the shippe goeth in an hour." — Bourne*s Regiment of the 
Sefiy Hood's edition of 1596, p. 48. 


edition oP Bourne appeared in 1577, and later 
editions were brought out, with additions by Dr. 
Hood. Discoveries and improvements were follow- 
ing each other rapidly in England in those days. 
Robert Norman, the hydrographer, observed for the 
variation of the compass, and discovered the dip of 
the needle in 1576. Edward Wright showed the 
true method of projecting a chart on the plan attri- 
buted to Mercator ; and Briggs laboured to intro- 
duce the use of logarithms.^ Many treatises on the 
use of globes and instruments were published, as 
well as on navigation ; and the subject appears to 
be so interesting that I have endeavoured to enume- 
rate the works relating to navigation which were 
written during the age of Elizabeth. This list is 
printed as an Appendix. 

The object of Davis in the publication of his 
Seaman's Secrets was to furnish a practical guide to 
the sailor, and to impart the amount of scientific 
knowledge which is necessary for the due comprehen- 
sion of the art of navigation. Other works were 
more elaborate, and gave as much space to the 

^ Henry Briggs, a Yorkshireman, was bom in 1556, and became 
Professor of Geometry at Oxford in 1596. He promoted the use 
of logarithms explained by Napier in 1614, and went to Edinburgh 
to confer with Napier on the subject. In 1624 he printed Artth- 
metica Logaritkmica, He also brought out the first six books of 
Euclid, and wrote a treatise on the North-west Passage. He was 
a promoter of the voyages of Sir Thomas Button and Luke Fox. 
He died on January 26th, 1630, at Oxford. Fox, who sailed in 
1631, named a group of islands in Hudson's Bay, ''Brigges his 


theoretical and abstract sections as to practical 
instruction, while the aim of Davis was to bring 
together a brief relation of such practices as in his 
several voyages he had, from experience, collected. 
The treatise gives an exact and comprehensive idea 
of the state of the scientific knowledge of navigation 
at the time when some of our most memorable 
maritime enterprises were undertaken. The infor- 
mation is arranged in the form of dialogues. The 
Seaman's Secrets supplanted the translations of 
Cortes, and was very popular, passing through eight 
editions between 1594 and 1657. 

Davis was certainly one of the most accomplished 
seamen of his age. Sir Eobert Dudley and Sir 
William Monson speak of him as a most learned 
mariner and a good mathematician.^ Davis invented 

^ " Capitano GiovaDni Davis Inglese era dottissimo marinero 
e buon matematico.*' {Arcano de Mare, lib. ii, cap. v). This 
superb work, in three folio volumes, was first published at 
Florence in 1646, with the following title, BelP Arcano de Mare 
di D. Ruherto DudleOy Duca di Nortumhria e CorUe di Warwick. 
Libri Sei, The first book is on longitude, the second on general 
charts and portolani, the third on discipline at sea and naval 
tactics, the fourth on naval architecture and fortification, the fifth 
on navigation and spiral and great circle sailing, and the sixth 
contains an atlas of special charts. The plates are very fine, and 
include elaborate figures of all the instruments then in use on 
board ship. The second edition of the Arcano de Mare^ appeared 
at Florence in 1661, twelve years after the author's death. 

Robert Dudley, the author of the Arcano de Mare, was a very 
remarkable man. He was the son of Robert Dudley, Earl of 
Leicester, by Lady Douglas Howard, daughter of Lord Howard of 
Effingham and widow of Lord Sheffield. His legitimacy was 
unjustly disputed, and at last he retired to Italy. Before he left 
England he had seen service at sea, was general of a fleet which 


a new instrument called the back staff, designed to 
be an improvement on the old cross staff, for observ- 
ing the altitude of heavenly bodies ; and he was 
foremost in the adoption of all new inventions in tlie 
science of navigation. 

Davis dedicated the SeaviarCs Secrets to Lord 
Howard of Effingham, the Lord High Admiral, who, 
six years before, had defeated the Spanish Armada. 
Li the dedicatory letter he alludes to his three 
Arctic voyages, and says that the attempts to dis- 
cover a passage were abandoned owing to the death 
of their chief patron, Sir Francis Walsingham. He 
then refers to his voyage in the fleet of Cavendish, 
which he undertook owing to his vehement desire 
to attempt the passage from the South Sea. He 
defends himself against the charge of having de- 
serted Cavendish, briefly and with dignity. In 
conclusion he refers to the excellence of Englishmen 
in mathematics and map-making, in engraving and 
shipbuilding, and, above all, as navigators and sea- 
men, in which art of seamanship, he declares, " wee 
are not to be matched by any nation of the earth". 

wcDt to the West Indies in 1594, and vtiih Essex at the sack of 
Cadiz. He was gifted with extraordinary talent, and was skilled 
in various sciences. The Emperor Ferdinand II created him a 
Duke in 1620, and he called himself Duke of Northumberland. 
He died in 1649 at Florence. 

Sir William Monson, in his Naval Tracts, when he advocates 
the establishment of a lecture on navigation, says : ** What made 
John Davis so famous for navigation but his learning, which was 
confirmed by experience. This lecture no doubt in a little time 
will make men as famous as Davis, to the honor and benefit of the 
commonwealth." — Monson in ChurchilVs Voyages^ iii, p. 402. 


Hence he conceives that the knowledge of naviga- 
tion is a matter of great moment, and that every 
man is bound "to give his best f ui'therance thereunto, 
among whom, the most unmeet of all, I have pub- 
lished this short treatise, naming it the Seaman's 

The World's Hydrographical Description appeared 
in the following year. It is conceived in the same 
spirit as the discourse of Sir Humphrey Gilbert,* a 
work which must have been well known to Davis, 
having been printed in 1576, yet the Description is 
not a plagiarism, for it contains different arguments, 
and information derived from greater experience. 

Davis first states the arguments that have been 
used against a north-west passage, and then answers 

* " A discourse w>*Uten hy Sir Ilumphrey Gilbert^ Kt., to proove a 
passage to Cataya and the East Indies*\ is printed in Hakluyt 
(2d ed.), ii, pages 32 to 47. It is divided into ten chapters. The 
first is to prove by authority the existence of a passage, in the 
second is the proof from reason, and the third shows that America 
is an island from the reports of various travellers. The four next 
chapters discuss the traditions that the passage has been sailed 
through j and in the eighth chapter the reasons of Mr. Anthony 
Jenkiuson for a north-east passage are contested. In the ninth 
chapter it is shown that the north-west passage is more commo- 
dious for traffic, and in the tenth the manifold advantages of the 
discovery are set forth. At the close of the discourse, Sir Hum' 
phrey exclaims : " He is not worthy to live at all who for fear or 
danger of death shunneth his country's service or his own honor, 
since death is inevitable, and the fame of virtue immortal." The 
glorious death of Sir Humphrey Gilbert took place only two years 
before Davis sailed on his first Arctic voyage. 

Sir William Monson, in his Naval Tracts, wrote a discourse 
concerning the north-west passage, which is intended as a reply to 
Gilbert and Davis {Churchill^ iii, p. 392). 


all objections. He next, like Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
appeals to the authority of many authors, ancient 
and modem, to show that America is an island. In 
this part of his discourse he refers to his own 
experiences, and furnishes quaint descriptions of 
scenery, and some new particulars having reference 
to his three Arctic voyages. There are also some 
interesting remarks on the flotation of ice, and the 
formation of icebergs ; and Davis concludes with an 
enumeration of the great advantages to be derived 
from the discovery of the passage. His reasoning, 
however far-fetched it may appear to be at the 
present day, sufficiently proves the zealous enthu- 
siasm which animated this energetic explorer. In 
some passages, towards the end of the treatise, it 
rises to eloquence. I cannot help expressing the 
wish that there were more such men now, to awaken 
England to a sense of the advantages to be obtained, 
and the honour to be gained, through Arctic enter- 

In the WorldJs Ilydrographical Description, men- 
tion is made of the famous "globe which Mr. 
Sanderson to his very great charge hath published, 
for the which he deserveth great favour and com- 
mendations".* Davis says that it was through him 
that Emery Molyneux was employed to construct 
the globe, and that his northern discoveries were 
delineated upon it. There are two globes, one 
celestial the other terrestrial, which were the firat 

I Page 211. 


ever constructed in this country,^ and are now in the 
Library of the Middle Temple. Upon the terres- 
trial globe are the arms of Sanderson, quartering 
Skime, Wall, and Langston, with a Latin inscrip- 
tion, and the following English rendering : 

"William Sanderson, 

" to y* Geutle Reader. 

" Not in the lappe of learned skill I euer was up brought, 
Nor in the study of the Starres (with griffe I graunt) was taught, 
Yet whilst on this side arts, on that syde vertues honor, 
My minde admiring viewed, and rested fixt vpon her ; 
Loo, at my charge thou seest y* euer whirling sphere, 
The endles reaches of the laud and sea in sight appeare 
For countries good, for worlds behoofe, for learnings furtherance, 
Wherby our vertuos Englishmen, their actions may advace 
To visite forraine lands where farthest coastes do lye, 
I haue these worldes thus formed, and to worldes good apply. 
With word, I pray you fauor them, and further them with will 
That arts and vertue may be deckt, with their due honor still, 
But yf that any better haue, let them the better shewe 
For lemings sake, I will not spare y* charges to bestowe." 

" Non me suscepit gremio Mathesis. . . . 

• • • • 

" Frob,, Drake, Pett, and Jackman. 

''Joannes Dauis Anglus annis 1585, 86, 87, littora America, 
circium spectantia a quinquagesimo quinto gradu ad 73 sub- 
polarem scutando perlegit." 

The celestial globe bears the date 1592. The 
terrestrial was finished at the same time, but the 
original date has been omitted. Some additions were 
subsequently made. It now shows, not only the 

^ The oldest existing globe was made by Martin Behaim in 
1492, and is still in the possession of his family at Nuremburg. 
The globe of Mercator, published at Louvain, dates from 1541. 



discoveries of Davis, but also those of Willem 
Barents, the Dutch navigator, the record of whose 
voyage did not reach Holland until 1598. The date 
1603 was put on the globe when the discoveries of 
Barents were drawn upon it. The globe is two feet 
in diameter. 

Hakluyt, in the address to the reader, in his 
PHncipal Navigations, published in 1589, was the 
first to announce the construction of these famous 
globes, in the following words : " A very large and 
most exact terrestrial globe, collected and reformed 
according to the newest, secretest, and latest dis- 
coveries, both Spanish, Portugall, and English, com- 
posed by M. Emerie MoUineux of Lambeth, a rare 
gentleman in his profession, being therein for divers 
yeeres greatly supported by the purse and liberalitie 
of the worshipfull marchant M. William Sanderson.*' 
Hakluyt adds that he has contented himself with 
giving, in his volume, one of the best general maps 
of the world (namely, one by Ortelius) to serve until 
the globe shall come out. This was in 1589. The 
globe came out in 1592. 

A manual for the use of the Molyneux globes was 
published in 1592, by T. Hood, of Trinity College, 
Cambridge ; and another manual by Robert Hues,^ 

1 Robert Hues (or Husius) \i'as bom near Leominster, in 1553, 
and entered as a servitor at Brazenose College, Oxford. When 
he took his degree, he was considered a good Greek scholar, and a 
sober and serious student. He afterwards became skilled in mathe- 
matics and geography; and in 1593 he published the Tractntus de 
globU tt eorum usti, accommodatus its qui Loiidini edlti sunt : an, 
1573, sumptibus Gulielmi Sandtrsoni: Civ., Land. Hues died at 
Oxford on May 2-lth, 1632, aged 79. 



appeared in 1593. It is in Latin, entitled Tixtctatus 
de Glohis et eorum usu; and was translated into 
Dutch by Hondius in 1596. But the best descrip- 
tion of the globes will be found in Blundeville's 
Exercises.^ He compares the terrestrial globe of 
Molyneux with that of Mercator (1541), and ex- 
plains all the additions and corrections that have 
been made on the former, including the discoveries 
of Frobisher and Davis, the new places in the East 
and West Indies, which were unknown to Mercator; 
and the two lines, one red and the other blue, which 
show the circumnavigating routes of Drake and 

It has been supposed that Molyneux was also the 
constructor of the "New Map" which illustrates this 
volume. But it is almost certain that the map was 
drawn by that great mathematician Edward Wright. 
The delineation of the discoveries of Davis on the 
globe and on the map, is identical. This goes far to 
prove that Davis himself assisted in the preparation 
both of the globe and the map. 

There are two notices of John Davis, in the corre- 
spondence at the State Paper Oflfice, which relate to 
this period (1593 to 1596). One is in a letter from 
Sir Walter Raleigh to Sir Robert Cecil, dated March 
3rd, 1594 (1595). In it Sir Walter mentions that 
Captain Davis is accused of some notorious villany 
by one Milburne, but that the matter has been ex- 
amined by some of the best gentlemen in Devonshire, 

* M. BlnndeviiUj His Exercises^ containing Eight Treatises (4th 
edition), 1613, p. 513. The first edition appeared in 1594. 


and nothing was proved, yet Davis had been sent up 
to London in charge of a pursuivant. Ealeigh asks 
favour for Davis and leave for him to depart. He 
adds that Milburne, who accuses him, had seduced 
his wife during his absence, that he is a dissolute 
person with nothing to lose, and like to be hanged 
for coining. The other is a letter from Sir Robert 
Young to Sir Robert Cecil, dated Mai'ch 15th, 1596. 
Sir Robert reports that the diligence, fidelity, and 
intelligence of John Davis, in Allfield's matter, have 
been very great; that he took all AUfields books 
that were in the West Country, which were very 
evil and seditious, and sent them to Sir R. Young ; 
and that Davis's bonds have been taken, with surety 
for his appearance in twenty days after warning 
given at Blackaller's house in Dartmouth. 

These letters refer to transactions of little im- 
portance, the clues to the full history of which are 
lost. They are only referred to in order to enume- 
rate all the existing sources of information respecting 
the life of Davis. 

During the years 1596 and 1597 there is reason 
for the belief that John Davis was serving under the 
Earl of Essex in the expedition to Cadiz and the 
voyage to the Azores. It appears that he took 
service with the Dutch in their voyage to the East 
Indies in 1598, at the suggestion of Essex, and that 
he had previously become acquainted with the EarL 
We find also, from a passage in his account of the 
Dutch voyage, that he had cei*tainly seen active 
service under Essex, and this could only have been 

iKTRODUcnoy. Ixiii 

duriog 1596 or 1597. He says that he and an 
English comrade " undertook to order these Fellowes, 
from that excellent methode irAiV/i tee had seene in 
your Lorddiip^s most honourable Ac(ions'\^ More- 
over, Sir William Monson, who was Captain of tlie 
the Earls ship at Cadiz, and also served in the 
voyage to the Azores, tells us that he often had con- 
versations with Mr. John Davis.' It may, therefore, 
be considered as almost certain that Davis w^as 
serving in the expeditions commanded by the Earl 
of flssex during the years 1596 and 1597, probably 
as a Pilot. 

There is a letter in the State Paper Office which 
proves, beyond doubt, that Captain Davis was at 
sea in 1596 or 1597. A Mr. Honyraan, a merchant 
of London, who frequently supplied Sir Robert 
Cecil with news from Roclielle and Spain, wrote 
to him on March 9th, 1597, enclosing a letter from 
T. Baker at Plymouth, saying — " You have heard of 
the taking of your ship in which Captain Davis 
went, but your loss was not much, as they left the 
ship and contented themselves with the goods". 
Honyman adds that the enemy's ships had been set 
forth from Brittany by the Due de Mercoeur. 

We next find John Davis accepting an engage- 
ment as Chief Pilot in a Dutch ship, destined to form 
part of a fleet intended for the East Indies, evidently 
at the suggestion of the Earl of Essex. At that 
time the spirit of maritime enterprise was very strong 
in Holland, more especially amongst the merchants 

^ See page 136. ' Naval Tracts^ Churchill, iii, page 392. 



of Amsterdam, to whom belongs the credit of origi- 
nating and despatching the memorable expedition in 
which the gallant Barents laid down his life, as well 
as the first Dutch voyage to the East Indies, in 
1595. The townsmen of Middleburg and Veere, in 
Zeeland, not to be behind their compatriots in 
Amsterdam, likewise displayed the same eagerness 
to embark in ventures involving risk and danger, 
with the prospect of commensurate profits. Thus it 
was that Middleburg despatched the second Dutch 
voyage to the East Indies. 

The expedition in which Davis served was under- 
taken by the merchant family of the Moucherons, 
an account of whom will be found in a note at page 
132. The Company of the Moucherons, formed 
more especially for the East India trade, consisted 
of several members of that family besides other 
merchants. In December 1597, Balthazar de 
Moucheron, as head of the Company, informed the 
States General that it was intended to send three 
ships and a yacht,^ during the forthcoming year, to 
the East Indies, to trade in spices, and requested 
that they might be furnished with guns and ammu- 
nition, and be exempted from tolls, as were the 
ships that had been previously sent out by the 
Amsterdam and Itotterdam Companies. 

This request was granted, instructions being 
given to the Admiralty at Middleburg to carry it 
into effect. 

Balthazar, ever anxious to promote the welfare 

1 Only two sailed. 


and insure the success of the enterprise, succeeded in 
inducing several of the seamen who had been em- 
ployed in the previous voyage to join his under- 
taking. Among these were the two brothers de 
Houtman^ to the eldest of whom was entrusted the 
command of the expedition, in spite of the ill success 
of his recent voyage, by which he had fallen con- 
siderably in the estimation of the merchants of 
Amsterdam. In order, however, to obtain the 
services of these men, Moucheron was obliged to 
oflTer them higher salaries than they were receiving 
from their former employers. 

The ships for the Zeeland voyage were De Leeuw 
(the Lion) and De Leeumn (the Lioness). 

In the former were the following officers :- 

Cornelia de Houtman, Chief. 

Pieter Stockman, Captain. 

Gayon Lefort, Treasurer. 

John Davis, Steersman or Pilot. 

Jacques Baudeus, Cashier. 

Jan van den Aertbru^ge { i ' i * 
_, _ ®° > Assistants. 

Jacqaes Sanders J 

In the Lioness were — 

Frederik de Houtman, Captain. 
Thomas Coymans, Cashier. 
Bus ^ 

Abbing > Assistants. 
Thomassen J 

The only account of this voyage, which (so far as 
the owners and principal officers of the ships were 
concerned) terminated so disastroasly, is the one 
written by Davis, and published by Purchas in his 



Pilgrimes. Cornells de Houtman was killed in the 
treacherous attack made on the ships by the King 
of Achen, and Frederik de Houtman was at the 
same time taken prisoner. He remained in cap- 
tivity for twenty-six months, during which time he 
compiled a dictionary of the Malay language, and 
took several observations of many stars in the 
southern hemisphere, which, with his dictionary, 
were published after his return to Holland. 

For the information regarding the Company of the 
Moucherons, and the equipment of this expedition, 
I am indebted to Mr. J. K. J. de Jonge's admirable 
work, entitled The Rise of the Dutch power in the 
East Indies} 

Mr. de Jonge's opinion respecting the conduct of 
Davis during this voyage, must have been formed from 
a perusal of the English seaman's own narrative, for 
no other account of the expedition is extant. This 
narrative is certainly not flattering to the Dutch, by 
whom Davis appears to have been very harshly 
treated. Mr. de Jonge says, " If Moucheron made 
a mistake in thinking that in Comelis de Houtman 
he had secured a skilful leader, he made a greater 
mistake in engaging the English Pilot, John Davis ; 
for he seems to have entered the service of Moucheron 
with the sole object of being a spy, commissioned as 
such by the Earl of Essex, as appears by his own 
words written three days after his return from India, 

^ De Ophomst van ket Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost. Indie, door 
Jhr. Mr. J. K. J, de Jonge, Published by Martiuus Nijhoff. 
'sGravouhage. Frederick Muller, Amsterdam, 1864. 


to Essex. "According to those directions which your 
Lordship gave me in charge at my departure, when 
it pleased you to employ me in this voyage, for the 
discovering of these Eastern parts of the world, to 
the service of Her Majesty and the good of our 

I cannot but think that Mr. de Jonge has adopted 
a mistaken view of the case. Davis was employed 
by the Dutch as chief pilot, and as such he un- 
doubtedly performed his duty to the best of his 
ability, and successfully navigated the vessels en- 
trusted to his pilotage to their destination in the 
East Indies, and thence home. Not only did he do 
this, but he saved both ships from capture,^ after the 
elder de Houtman had been killed and his brother 
taken prisoner. Mr. de Jonge makes no mention of 
the other Englishman, Master Tomkins, who was 
serving on board the Zton, and who with Davis so 
bravely defended the poop of the vessel when she 
was treacherously attacked off Achen. 

As for the letter sent by Davis to the Earl of 
Essex on his return from this voyage, the English 
Pilot did no more, in furnishing a report to that 
nobleman, than we should expect of any loyal and 
patriotic man, no matter of what nation, employed 
on a like service. As well might it be said that the 
foreign ofl&cers who accompanied Sir Allen Young in 
his recent Arctic voyages in the Pandoray or Pro- 
fessor Nordenskiold, in the Vega^ were spies because 
they very properly forwarded reports of those 
voyages to their several governments! 

^ Sec page 144. 



Davis, although serving under the Dutch flag, 
had not sworn allegiance to that nation, but had 
merely given his services to assist in a mercantile 
enterprise, and he was in no way bound to keep 
silence respecting the events of the voyage. It 
must be remembered that Davis, when employed by 
the Moucherons, was a man of eminence, and one 
who had greatly distinguished himself as a navi- 
gator. He had already written the accounts of 
former voyages, and had published two learned 
treatises. It could not, therefore, have been sup- 
posed that he would not write some account of his 
voyage to the East Indies. Fortunately there is 
direct contemporary evidence that he was not ex- 
pected by his employers to remain silent respecting 
the events of the voyage. William Walker, who 
translated the journal of the Dutch voyage under 
Jacob Neck in 1601, preceded it with a letter ad- 
dressed to Sir Thomas Smith, the Governor of the 
East India Company.^ In this letter he says that 
the Dutch had " special assistance in their late 
navigations by the meanes of Master John Davis 
and other skilfuU Pylots of our nation ; and in 
return the Dutch doe in ample manner requite us; 
acquainting us with their voyages, discoveries and 
dangers, both outward and homeward, with their 
negotiations and traffique at Java, the Maluco, and 
other places, and likewise with the quantitie and 
value of spices and other commodities which they 
brought home". Thus the Dutch themselves freely 

^ MS. in posseBsioii of the Hakluyt Society. 


communicated information to their EDgliah allies in 
those early days, so that it is a total misapprehension 
to suppose that an English pilot, serving in a Dutch 
ship, could in any sense be a spy. 

The narrative of the second Dutch voyage to 
India, by John Davis, is the more valuable because, 
as I have already said, it is the only one extant. 
He returned to Middleburg on the 29th of June 
1600, and forwarded his report, with a covering 
letter, to the Earl of Essex, on the Ist of August. 

Meanwhile the English East India Company had 
been formed, and preparations were being busily 
made for the despatch of the first venture xinder the 
command of Captain James Lancaster, who was ap- 
pointed General of the Fleet on the 10th of Decem- 
ber 1600. Davis was the only English Pilot who 
had made a voyage to the east, and, on his return to 

England in August 1600, his services were eagerly 
sought for and secured. He was appointed Pilot 


Major on board the Red Dragon, Lancaster's ship, 
with the understanding that he was to have £500 if 
the voyage yielded two for one ; £1,000 if three for 
one ; £1,500 if four for one ; and £2,000 if five for 
one. The expedition sailed from Woolwich on the 
1.3th of February 1601 (1600 after the English ac- 
compt), and returned on the 1 1th of September 1603. 
The original manuscript journals of this memora- 
ble voyage are lost ; but the narrative, as given 
by Purchas, has been reprinted and edited for this 
Society by Mr. Clements Markham.* Davis is only 
mentioned once, and quite incidentally. When the 
fleet was at Achen it is said that Captain Lan- 
caster was not a little grieved at Captain John 
Davis, his principal Pilot, having told the merchants 
before sailing from London, that pepper was to be 
had at Achen much cheaper than proved to be the 
case.^ This identifies Lancaster's chief Pilot with 
the John Davis who was Pilot in the Dutch fleet ; 
for no one, who had not been in India before, could 
have spoken with authority on such a subject as the 
price of pepper at Achen. 

Davis prepared the second edition of his Seaman's 
Secrets for the press after his return with Captain 
Lancaster. It was published in 1607. But he had 

* The lied Dragon was formerly a ship belonging to the Earl of 
Cumberland, called the Malice Scourge. She was bought by the 
East India Company for X3700, and re-christened the Red Dragon, 
a ship of 600 tons, with a crew of 202 men. 

^ The Vogages of Sir James Lancaster, Kt, to the East Indies, 
edited by Clements R Markham, C.B., F.R.S. (Hakluyt Society, 
1877), pages 57 to 107. s j^^ge 84. 


not been many months on shore, before he waa in- 
duced to accept service again under Sir Edward 
Michelborne, a gentleman pensioner of King James I. 
Great interest had been made to get Michelborne 
the command of the East India Company's first fleet, 
in place of Lancaster. The Lord Treasurer is said 
to have used much persuasion with the Company to 
accept of his employment, as principal commander of 
the voyage ; but the merchants announced that they 
were resolved not to employ any gentleman in any 
place of charge in the voyage, desiring " to sort their 
business with men of their own quality". In the 
Charter of Incorporation of the East India Company, 
privileges are granted to George Earl of Cumberland 
and 215 knights, aldermen, and merchants. In this 
list the name of Sir Edward Michelborne comes 
third; but in July 1601 a minute records that Sir 
Edward, with two others, were " disfranchised out of 
the freedom and privileges of this fellowship, and 
utterly disabled from taking any benefit or profit 
thereby". No reason is given for this expulsion, but 
soon afterwards we find Michelborne preparing an 
expedition on his own account. 

It is evident that Sir Edward Michelborne had a 
good deal of influence at Court. We have seen the 
Lord Treasurer pressing the Company to appoint 
him to command their first voyage. On June 25th, 
1604, James I, regardless of the Charter giving ex- 
clusive rights to the East India Company, granted 
a license to Michelborne, one of his gentlemen pen- 
sioners, to discover and trade with Cathaia and 


Japan, notwithstanding any grant or charter to the 
contrary. Accordingly the courtly adventurer equip- 
ped a vessel called the Tiger^ of 240 tons, v^ith 
a pinnace named the Tigers Whelp; and John 
Davis accepted the appointment of Pilot. This was 
his second voyage to the East Indies in an English 
vessel,^ the third counting his Dutch service. 

Before he sailed on his last voyage, John Davis 
made his Will. It would appear that his wife was 
dead, and that he was engaged to be married to one 
Judith Havard, if he should be spared to return 
home once more. But this was not to be. The 
Will is as follows : — 

''In the name of God Amen. Being nowe bounde to the 
seas for the coaste of China in the Tigar of London^ and un- 
certaine of my retume, I doe committ my bodye to God's 
favourable direction and my sowie to his euerlastinge morcie, 
and for ray worldly goods^ whatsoever lands, leases, m'chan- 
dizes, or money, either in my possession or in dae com- 
mynge unto me, as by specialities or otherwise shall ap- 
peare, my will is that it shall be devided and parted into 
fower equall parts or porc'ons ; that is to say, I give and 
bequeath th' one foureth parte thereof to Judith Havard, 
unto whom I have given my faithe in matrimony, to be 
solempnized at my retume. The other foureth part I give 
to Gilbert Davis, my eldest sonne. The third foureth parte 
I give to Arthur Davis, my second sonne ; and the last 
foureth parte to Phillip Davis, my thirde youngest sonne 
now living. Soe my will is, that my goods be equally 
divided betweene my three sonnes and Judith Havard, my 

^ As stated by Purchas on the heading of the narrative. See 
page 157. Sir William Monson, in bis Naval TradSy also says that 
Captain Davis was slain in bis second voyage to the East Indies 
(Churchill, iii, page 369). 


espowsed love^ and to be delivered after my deathe^ ys 
manifestlie knowne. But if any of them shall dye before 
they receive their parte^ then it shall be equally devided be- 
tweene those that live. If they all dye before it be devided, 
then I give th^ one haulf to the poore and th' other haulf to 
my brother Edward Davis and to his children : and soe, 
com my ting my soule to God, I desire that this my Wyll may 
be faithfully p'formed, and to testifie that this is my deede 
and desire, I doe hereunto sett my hande and seale this 12th 
of October, 1604. By me, John Davis.^ 

So the brave old navigator arranged his earthly 
affairs, and bade fareweU to his three sons and his 
espoused love; whom he was never to see again. 
His age was about 55. The Tiger set sail from 
Cowes on the 5th of December 1604, and made a 
prosperous voyage to the west coast of Sumatra. 
The narrative as given by Purchas, was not written 
either by Michelbome or by Davis, for both are 
mentioned several times in the thud person. The 
writer uses the first person plural, and latterly the 
first person singular. His name does not appear, 
but he was apparently the Master of the ship, 
Michelbome being the General, and Davis the Pilot. 
Davis wrote sailing directions for the Sumatran 
coast from Achen to Tiku and Priaman, based on 
experience obtained during three voyages. They 
are printed in the present volume for the first time," 
and in justice to the great navigator, it must be 
borne in mind that they only exist in the form of an 

^ Extracted from the prinoipal registry of the Probate, Divorce, 
and Admiralty Division of the High Court of Justice. In the Pre- 
rogative Court of Canterbury. * Page 185. 


uncorrected draft.* These directions are mentioned 
in the Journal of Ealphe Crosse during the tenth 
voyage of the East India Company, in 1612,* who 
says that the Master of the Hoseander shaped his 
course by them. 

In October 1605, the Tiger airived at Bantam, 
and thence a course was shaped for Pataui, a place 
on the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula. 

While on the voyage to Patani, the Tiger fell in 
with a vessel full of Japanese pirates. Having lost 
their own junk, they had seized another, and were 
making the best of their way to their native country. 
But contrary winds had driven them to leeward, 
which was the cause of this most ill omened en- 
coimter. They were crowded together, ninety men 
in a small craft of seventy tons, and there seemed 
little likelihood of their ever reaching Japan. Michel- 
borne and Davis imprudently opened friendly inter- 
course with these rufl&ans, who immediately conceived 
the idea of massacring the English and seizing their 
ship. The two vessels remained at anchor for two 
days, under the lee of a small islet near Bintang, 
at the eastern entrance of the Strait of Malacca. 
The English " entertained them with good usage," 
intending in return to obtain information from them 

^ Among the Sloane MSS., 3,668, fol. 157. The paper is headed 
**Mr. John Daves, his observations, voyaging from Acheaue to 
Tecoe and Priaman." 

* " Tbe Master of the Hoseander shaped his course for Tecoe by 
the directions of Captain Keelingo and Daves, ther joumalles". — 
Lancaster's Voyages^ p. 260 (Hakluyt Society's series). 


which would be useful hereafter. OccasionaUy as 
many as five or six and twenty Japanese at a time, 
" upon mutuall courtesies, with gifts and feastings 
betweene us", were allowed to come on board the 
Tiger. On one of these occasions, when there were 
English and Japanese in both vessels, the pirat^es 
gave the signal to fall upon their unsuspecting hosts. 
In the junk the Japanese easily killed or drove 
overboard all the English that were on board. At 
the same time the Japanese on board the Tiger 
rushed out of the cabin, where they were being en- 
tertained. The first person they met was Captain 
Davis, who was coming out of the gun room. They 
pulled him back into the cabin, gave him several 
wounds, and then thrust him out before them. His 
wounds were mortal, and he died as soon as he came 
into the waist. There was then a desperate hand to 
hand fight, and even after the pirates had been 
driven back into the cabin, they fought for at least 
four hours. At last the Master of the Tiger had 
two demi-culverins loaded with bullets, case shot, 
and cross-bars, and fired them into the cabin, blowing 
the pirates to pieces. It was a very narrow escape 
for the whole crew, and, as it was, the death of the 
Pilot was an irreparable loss. Michelbome, after 
capturing and pillaging two Chinese vessels, gave 
up his enterprise and returned home, arriving at 
Portsmouth on July 9th, 1606. 

The grant of a license for this voyage was resented 
by the Company, and there were several complaints 
of the ill consequences arising from the piratical 


acts of Sir Edward Michelbome, the first of the 

The Will of John Davis was proved by his son 
Gilbert on the 10th of January 1607 (1606 old 
style), six months after the return of the Tiger with 
the news of his deatL' 

Thus ended the life of this great explorer and 
accomplished seaman. The date of his death was 
the 29th or 30th of December 1605, and his body 
was probably committed to the deep near the eastern 
entrance of the Straits of Malacca. All he has 
written, of which I have been able to obtain a know- 
ledge,' and full accounts of all the voyages in which 

^ In December 1608 John Heame, the Company's Factor at 
Bantam, wrote home that " the matter of Sir £. Michelbome is 
not forgotten among some of the chiefs here in town. If any more 
such as he be permitted to do as he did in these parts, their state 
there would be very dangerous." He urges the Company '^ to use 
all prevention in this point." Captain Marlowe wrote to the same 
effect in 1612. 

2 « Decimo die mensis Januarij Anno Domini iuxta cursum et 
computaconem Elccrie Anglicane millesimo sexcentesimo sexto 
emanavit com'issio Gilb'to Davis filio nrali et 'Itimo dicti defuncti 
ad administrandu bona iura et credita dicti defuncti juxta tenorem 
testi hmoi eo quod idem defunctus nullum in eodem nodavcrit 
executorem de bene et fidel'r administrando eadem Ad Sancta Dei 
Evangelia jurat." 

I have only been able to find one incidental mention of this 
Gilbert Davis. Among the lists of persons admitted ''free brethren 
of the East India Company", I find, on November 10th, 1624, the 
name of Simon Whettcombe, who had served his apprenticeship to 
Gilbert Davys, and was therefore eligible for admittance on pay- 
ment of ten shillings to the poor box. 

* The writings of John Davis are : — 

1. — The narrative of the second Arctic voyage. 
2. — The traverse book of the third Arctic voyage. 


he was engaged^ except that with Lancaster, which 
has ahready been printed for the Hakluyt Society, 
have now been brought together; and I sincerely 
trust that their perusal will have the effect of taking 
the name of the famous discoverer, John Davis, out 
of the list of England's forgotten worthies. 

My thanks are due to Dr. Bink, the Director of 
the Royal Greenland Trade at Copenhagen, for 
kindly examining the list of Eskimo words given by 
Davis ; to Mr. A. H. A. Hamilton of Exeter, who 
supplied me with all the information regarding the 
connection of Davis with that city ; and to Mr. 
Coote of the British Museum for the ready aid which 
he was at all times anxious to give me in my 
researches, for many useful suggestions, and for the 
memoir on the " New Map" with which he has 
kindly furnished me, for insertion in this volume. 

I have also to offer my special thanks to my 
friend Commander Hull, R.N., the Superintendent 
of Charts at the Admiralty, for kindly revising the 
sheets of the Seaman's Secrets, and illustrating the 
text by several valuable notes. 

3. — A letter to Sir Francis Walsingham, 1585. 

^' I Two letters to Mr. Sanderson, 1586 and 1587. 
5. I 

6. — The Seaman's Secrets and Dedication. 

7. — The World's Hydrographical Description. 

8. — A letter to the Earl of Essex. 

9. — His voyage to India, as Pilot in a Dutch ship. 

10. — Observations in voyages from Achen to Priaman. 





B£SID£S the famous Captain John Davis of Sandridge 
there was a contemporary Captam John Davis of 
Limehouse, and it will presently be seen how im- 
portant it is that there should be no confusion be- 
tween the two men. 

The history of Captain John Davis of Limehouse 
is briefly as follows. He served in the fleet of 
Captain Lancaster during the first voyage set forth 
by the East India Company, from February 1601 
to September 1603. It is clear that he was in this 
fleet, because in 1615 he states that he had been 
fifteen years in the company's service. Captain 
John Davis of Sandridge was also serving under 
Lancaster in the same voyage as Pilot Major. The 
second voyage of John Davis of Limehouse to India 
was in Sir Henry Middleton's fleet, from 1604 to 
1606, as Pilot of the Ascension. His third voyage 
was with Captain David Middleton, as Pilot of the 
JExpedition, from 1606 to 1609. He was next with 
Captain Marlowe, as Master of the James, from Feb- 
ruary 1611 to August 1615.^ Marlowe died, and 

^ He says himself, in his RuUer, that he was in the James. 
Consequently he must be the ** John Davye", an abstract of whose 
journal of the voyage of the James is given by Purchas. 

NOTE. Ixxix 

Davis came home as commander, but he was guilty 
of rioting and extreme drunkenness. His fifth 
voyage to India was as master in the Swan, under 
Captain Courthorp, in 1616. The Swan was seized 
by the Dutch off Banda in 1617, and Davis was de- 
tained a prisoner. His wife petitioned the Company 
against the Dutch, and they eventually released 
him, and advanced him money for his homeward 
voyage. He returned home in 1618, and then 
wrote some sailing directions, which are printed in 
Purchas.^ The title is "A niter or briefe direction 
for readie sailings into the East India, digested 
into a plaine method by Master John Davis of Lime- 
house, upon experience of his five voyages thither 
and home againe." He found some difficulty in 
'getting re-employed, but on June 18, 1619, was ap- 
pointed gunner of the Bull. He changed from her 
into the Lesser James. The master of this ship, 
named John Wood, was a regular drunkard, and 
Davis was addicted to the same vice. In 1621 Wood 
was superseded, and the death of Davis was reported 
from Batavia on March 6, 1622. On August 27, 
1622, the wills of John Davis and all other dead 
men were sent home. 

Thus it Ls clear that John Davis of Limehouse 
was quite a different person from the great navigator 
of Sandridge, and that the former, and not the latter, 
made five voyages to India and home again, and 
wrote a "Ruter for sailing into the East Indies."* 

^ PUgrimeSf i, pp. 444 to 451. 

2 The name of a third John Davis, a follower of the Earl of 


The importance of tracing out the history of John 
Davis of Limehouse lies in the fact that writers, 
from Prince to Froude, have confused him with John 
Davis of Sandridge. 

Prince, in his Worthies o/Devon,^ was the first to 
write a notice of the life of Captain John Davis of 
Sandridge. He says, quoting from Westcote, that 
he was bom at Sandridge, and married Faith, 
daughter of Sir John Fulford. He adds that he 
was the first pilot who conducted the Zeelanders to 
the East Indies ; that he made no less than five 
voyages to the East Indies, and returned home safe 
again, and that he wrote a "Ruter" for sailing into 
India. The accounts of the voyages, he says, "are 
to be seen, I suppose, in Haklu3rt's work, to which I 
refer the curious*'. Prince thus concludes his notice, 
"When or where this eminent person died I do not 

Here the two men are hopelessly mixed up. John 
Davis of Sandridge made one voyage to the East 
Indies with the Zeelanders, and two in English ships, 
and he only returned home twice, being killed on 
his second English voyage. The accounts of these 
voyages are not in Hakluyt, as Prince supposes, but 
in Purchas. 

The next notice of John Davis of Sandridge is in 
the Biographia Britannica, by Dr. Kippis, published 
in 1 793. Following Prince, it is here again stated 

Essex, also frequently occurs in the correspondence of the time. 
But he was a soldier. 

' Prince's Worthies of Dtvon (new edition), 1810, page 285. 


that Davis made no less thau five voyages to the 
East Indies as a pilot, and an account is given of 
the murder of Davis during the Michelbome voyage, 
quoted from Harris. Dr. Kippis was the first to 
perceive that there must have been two John Davises. 
He points out that either John Davis of Limehouse, 
who wrote the "Rutter", was not identical with 
John Davis of Sandridge, or else the latter was not 
killed in 1605, for the "Rutter" was written in 
1618. But this hint was lost upon subsequent 
writers, who continued to follow Prince, although it 
was clear, on his own showing, that Prince had never 
himself read the voyages. 

Sir John Barrow^ uses Prince as his authority, and 
consequently makes all the same mistakes. He says 
that Davis of Sandridge wrote a " Rutter" or brief 
description of sailing into the East Indies ; that he 
made several voyages in the service of the Dutch, 
some of which have been published, two of them in 
Purchas ; that he made not less than five voyages 
to the East Indies, and returned home safe ; and 
that posterity must rernain in ignorance of the place 
of his death. The mistakes in Sir John Barrow's 
account are as follows. John Davis of Sandridge 
did not write a "Rutter" for sailing to the East 
Indies, he only made one voyage in the service of 
the Dutch, consequently the accounts of several have 
not been published, and there are not two in Purchas. 
He did not make five voyages to the East Indies, 

^ A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regiima 
(1818), pp. 113 to 125. 



and return safe home, and posterity is not in ignor- 
ance of the place of his death. 

In answer to some inquiries published by Mr. 
John Petheram in Notes and Queries,^ Mr. Bolton 
Corney pointed out most of these mistakes in 1853, 
but he is not quite accurate himself He begins 
by saying, "despite Prince's assertion, I question 
whether Davis married a daughter of Sir John Ful- 
ford". But Prince does not make the assertion, he 
merely quotes from Westcote — a good authority. 
Mr. Corney also finds fault with Prince for saying 
that Davis was the first pilot who took the Dutch 
to the East Indies. Prince, however, does not say 
so. He states that Davis was the first to take the 
Zeelanders, which is quite correct. Mr. Corney then 
points out that the journal of the Dutch voyage is 
not in Hakluyt ; that Davis of Sandridge did not 
make five voyages to the East Indies ; that he did 
not return safe home ; and that he did not write a 
Butter. But Mr. Corney does not explain this com- 
plication of errors by pointing out the existence of 
another John Davis. 

In 1852 Mr. Froude published an article in the 

^ Ist Series, v, p. 488. Mr. Petheram, in the Athenceum for 
Jauuaiy 18i)2, noticed the existence of a curious manuscript at 
the end of the copy of the " World's Hydrographical Description" 
in the Lenox Library at New York. It is entitled '' Motives for 
ordering a project for the discoverie of the North Pole terrestrial, 
the Straights of Anian into the South Sea and coasts thereof". 
Mr. Petheram afterwards printed this manuscript in his Bibliogra- 
phical Miscellany, No. 1 (Nov. 15th, 1853) aud No. 3 (Jan. 20th, 
1854), with a comraentaiy. 


Westminster Review ^ entitled "England's Forgotten 
Worthies'\ He repeated all the old mistakes about 
Davis, and added fresh ones. Yet Mr. Froude re- 
published his article in 1868, in a volume entitled 
"Short Studies on Great Subjects'*. His account of 
John Davis is that he was a sailor boy of Sandwich ; 
that Sandwich (meaning Sandridge) is the adjoining 
parish to Greenway ; that Davis is known to have 
commanded trading vessels in the eastern seas ; that 
he returned five times from India ; that the details 
are lost ; that he took out Sir Edward Michellthome 
to India ; and that he fell in with a crew of Japanese, 
who murdered him in a few hours. 

Here the two namesakes are mixed up in sad con- 
fusion. John Davis was not a sailor boy of Sand- 
wich, and Sandridge is not the adjoining parish to 
Greenway, for it is not a parish at all. Davis of 
Sandridge never commanded a trading or any other 
vessel in the Eastern seas, though Davis of Lime- 
house once had a temporary command, owing to the 
death of his captain. It was John Davis of Lime- 
house, not he of Sandridge, who returned from India 
five times. The details of none of the voyages made 
by either Davis are lost. Michellthome is not the 
name of the general to whom John Davis of Sand- 
ridge was pilot ; and, finally, the Japanese did not 
murder Davis in a few hours after he fell in with 
them. They were upwards of two days in his 

Of which Davis can Mr. Froude be said to have 
written ? He mixes up the events of the lives of 


Ixxxiv NOTE. 

both, and some of his statements are wrong, as 
applied to either of them. Surely this is not the 
way to preserve England's Worthies from being 
forgotten ! 

The latest author who has written on Davis is Mr. 
Fox Bourne, in his work entitled English Seamen 
und^r the Tudors (1868). His account is brief, but 
accurate so far as it goes, with the exception of the 
statement that Davis took service with Cavendish 
after his return from a voyage to the East Indies with 
the Dutch.^ But this is evidently an oversight, for 
Mr. Fox Bourne subsequently gives the correct date 
of Davis's engagement with the Dutch.* 

1 Page 137. « Page 146. 




"Come, h ere 's the ma p."— 1 Henry IV, Act iii, So. 1. — {/J.^J/'f t 

The map which forms so suitable an illustration of 
the present volume, is a fac-simile, executed in a 
manner worthy of the Society, of the rare map 
or " Hydrogvaphicall Description'* sometimes found 
bound up with the magnum opus of Hakluyt in three 
vols, folio, London, 1598-1600. This last, as is well 
known, is a development of his earlier work of 1589 
in one vol. It is a somewhat remarkable fact, in 
the bibliography of these two important but distinct 
works, that in Hallam's well known Introduction 
to the Literature of Europe in the \5th, I6th, and 
17th CentuineSy they are conspicuous by their ab- 
sence, and that the only allusion to either, is an 
incidental one to the first, made in reference to 
what turas out to be a later impression, with ad- 
ditions, of the original of our map.^ No better 
introduction to the " Hydrographicall Descinption" 
will be found than in Hallam's own words, which 
although written apparently with an imperfect know- 
ledge of its real history and antecedents, are, on 

^ This has been reproduced by the autotype process, by Mr. 
Quaritch from the Grenville copy of Hakluyt. 



the whole, not an unworthy description of it. He 
writes, " The best map of the sixteenth century is 
one of uncommon rarity, which is found in a very 
few copies of the first (sic) o( Hakhiyfs Voyages" 

"This map contains Davis's Straits (Fretum 
Davis), Virginia by name, and the Lake Ontario. 
The coast of Chili is placed more correctly than in 
the prior maps of Ortelius ; and it is noticed in the 
margin that the trending of the coast, less westerly 
than had been supposed was discovered by Drake 
in 1577, and confirmed by Sarmiento and Cavendish.^ 
The huge Terra Australis of the Old Geography is 
left out. Corea is represented near its place, and 
China with some degree of correctness ; even the 
north coast of New Holland is partially traced. The 
Strait of Anian, which had been presumed to divide 
Asia from America, has disappeared, while a margi- 
nal nqte states that the distance between those 
two continents in latitude 38"* is not less than 1200 
leagues. The Ultra-Indian region is inaccurate ; 
the Sea of Aral is still unknown, and little pains 
have been taken with central and northern Asia. 
But upon the whole it represents the utmost limit of 
geographical knowledge at the close of the sixteenth 
century, and far excels the maps in the edition of 
Ortelius at Antwerp in 1588."* 

Further investigation respecting this map, more 

^ The cartouche contaiuing this notice of the trending of the 
coast of South America is omitted in the first state of the plate. 
The example in the British Museum from which our facsimile is 
made, would appear to be unique. 
^ ' 5th edition, vol. iv, p. 355.^ 


particularly in reference to the period at which the* 
original was produced, serves to show that it has 
claims upon our attention, beyond those suggested 
by Hallam. In a paper read before the New Shak- 
spere Society at University College on June 14th, 
1878, and since published,^ it was shown that the 
original of our map was no other than the " new 
map" referred to by Shakspere in Twelfth Night, 
Act iii, scene 2, a play produced for the first time Q^jaJaj^^^^ 
in the Hall of the Middle Temple, February 1601-2. 
It is a source of pleasure to add that the arguments 
in its favour have, thus far, been accepted by com- 
petent critics as sound and conclusive. 

What appears to have escaped the notice of Hallam, 
and those who have attempted to describe it at vari- 
.ous times down to our day, is, that our map is laid j 
/ down upon the projection commonly known as Mer- / 
V cator's. So little appears to be known as to the early 
history of this projection, that as recently as April 
16th, 1 878, it has been suggested by Mr. Elias F. Hall* 
that charts upon this projection were not in general 
use among seamen at a period much earlier than 
1630. Still more recently it has been gravely as- 
serted that a distinguished Admiral of the American 
navy only knew of it as the Merchant's projection ! 
and that he never knew that there was such a man 
as Mercator.' In 1569 was produced at Duisbourg, 

X 1 Transactions of New Shakspere Society, 1877-9, Part I, pp.S 
\ 88-100. 

' BtUletin of the American Geographical Society, No. 4, 1878, 
p. 184. 3 Ibid., No. 1, 1879, p. 36. 


"Mercator's well known Mappemonde, and many 
years elapsed before it attracted the notice of other 
map-makers. However interesting it may be to us 
as a monument of geography, it is now admitted 
that, as regards the projection, it is only approxi- 
mately correct up to latitude 40°. For the want of 
a demonstration of the true principles upon which 
such a projection was to be laid down, beyond the 
legend on the Mappemonde, it found but few imi- 
tators. The only three known to us are, Bernardus 
Puteanus of Bruges in 1579, Cornelius De Jode in 
1589, and Petrus Plancius in 1594. Of the first 
and third no examples of their maps on this projec- 
tion are known to exist, these two doubtless had 
all the imperfections of the original Mercator. De 
Jode's Speculum Orhis Tei^aimm of 1589 is remark- 
able, as, while being on the old plane projection with 
the lines of latitude and longitude equidistant, there 
is to be seen on it a feeble attempt to divide the 
central meridional line according to the idea of Mer- 
cator, one of the best possible proofs how imperfectly 
this idea was understood by Mercator's own fellow- 
countrymen. About 1597 was published by Jodocus 
)C Xs Hondius in Amsterdam, a map entitled Typus Totiu^ 
Orhis terrarum, etc., easily to be recognised by an 
allegorical figure, at the bottom of it, of a Christian 
soldier armed for the fight against all the powers of 
evil. This is on the true projection, known as Mer- 
cator 's, but which is really that of Edward Wright. 
From Hondius' coimexion with Mercator, and whose 
joint portraits form the frontispiece of the well known 


Atlas of the latter, it might with good reason be sup- 
posed, that Hondius acquired the art of projecting 
this map from Mercator, yet if one thing is more 
certain than another in the history of this projection, 
it is the fact that Hondius did not acquire this art 
from Mercator or his map, but from Edward Wright, 
the friend and colleague of Hakluyt. 

In proof of this, the following evidence is ad- 
duced. We learn from Blundevile^ that, at some 
previous period, probably as early as 1592, Wright 
sent to his friend, the author, " a table to drawe 
thereby the parallells in the Mariner's Carde, to- 
gether with the vse thereof in trewer sort, with a 
draught" or diagram of the projection. These, it is 
evident, were extracts from Wright's Ei^rors in 
Navigation^ then in MS. Wright, in his preface to 
the reader, in his work when printed, bitterly com- 
plains that he was induced to lend this MS. to 
Hondius, who, with its aid and without Wright's 
consent, prepared and published several " mappes of 
the World, which maps had been vnhatched, had not 
he (Hondius) learned the right way to lay the ground- 
work of some of them out of this book."^ That the 
above Typus is one of the printed maps complained 
of, seems to be proved by the allusion to Wright to 
be found on it. 

The strongest evidence against the theory of 
Hondius having acquired this art from Mercator, is 
the fact that in none of the subsequent editions of 
Mercator's Atlases edited by him is there a map on 

» Exerdsesy 1594, p. 326. ^ Errors, 1599, Preface, p. x. 

/ V 


yC^ this projection to be found. The truth is, that to 
Wright, and not to Mercator, is due the honour of 
being the first to demonstrate the true principles 
upon which such maps were to be laid down by 
means of the now well known Tables of meridional 

The fii*st legitimate attempt to lay down a map 
upon the really true projection, is no other than the 
original of our map. Before proceeding to point out 
some of its remaining points of interest, it will be 
convenient here to endeavour to remove one or two 
misapprehensions respecting it, which are even now 
entertained by more than one of our eminent book- 

Mr. Quaritch, without adducing the least amount 
of evidence, asserts that " Hakluyt intended to in- 
sert this map in his work of 1589".^ This is im- 
possible, as from internal evidence it could not 
po88ibly have been produced at an earlier period than 
1598 or 99, as has been before pointed out.* Upon 
this point we fear that Mr. Quaritch has allowed 
himself to be misled by the pardonable blunder of 
Hallam. Again, he says, that Hakluyt calls the 
original of our great map, a terrestrial Globe. This 
is also a mistake. When Hakluyt said a globe, he 
meant one, and not a map ; such a globe as he de- 
scribes was forthcoming in 1592, at a period midway 
between the first edition of the Voyages and the ap- 
pearance of our map. The only example of this globe 

1 Bib. Geog, Ling,, Part 3, No. 12081. 

^ Note to TranMxiion% New Shakspere Society, p. 94. 


at present known to exist, is preserved in the library 
of the Middle Temple.' 

Hitherto one of the difficulties in describing and 
establishing the identity of thiS map has been its 
anonymous authorship. Mr. Quaritch, in an other- 
wise fair appreciation of the writer's labours in this 
direction, has thought fit, in another part of his cata- 
logue,^ to charge the writer with appropriating Mr. 
Quaritch's labours in this matter of authorship. The 
charge has no foundation in any fact whatsoever. The 
writer's conclusions about it were based solely upon 
a comparison made between our map and a globe, 
two things which Mr. Quaritch has confounded. The 
globe referred to is known to be by Molyneux, the 
reference to it on the title of the map led the writer 
to the not unnatural inference that they were by 
one and the same author. This position the writer 
strengthened by two quotations from a scarce tract 
by the late Dr. J. G. KohP of Bremen, which was pub- 
lished twenty years before Mr. Quaritch's catalogue of 
1877 saw the light. The conclusion arrived at by the 
writer, without any assistance from Mr. Quaritch, was 
that our map, circa IGOO, was a new one, on a new 
projection, made by one of the most eminent globe 
makers of his time, probably under the superintend- 
ence of Hakluyt. The evidence upon this point is 
of course strongly circumstantial only, which future 
research may either refute or confirm. Be this as it 

* See article "Globe", Enci/, Brit,, 9th edition, vol. 10. 

2 No. 11919. 

' Afaps relating to America in Hakluyt ^ 1857, p. 7. 


may, one thing is now quite certain, namely, that 
our map, to a very great extent, bears evidence upon 
the face of it of the handiwork of another of Hak- 
luyt's friends and colleagues, hitherto unsuspected, 
we take it, even by Mr. Quaritch. Allusion has 
already been made to Wright's JEn^ors in Navigation ^ 
the first edition of which was published in 1 599. In 
1610 appeared the second edition, in which mention 
is made of a general map, which map it has not been 
our good fortune to see, as the copy in our national 
library is without it. Several editions were subse- 
quently published by Moxon. In these are to be 
seen copies of a map laid down upon lines almost 
identical with ours. They have geographical addi- 
tions up to date, and also indicate the variations of 
the compass. These later maps are avowedly ascribed 
to Wright, and a comparison of any one of them 
with our map most certainly points to one common 
source, namely, the original. The conclusion is there- 
fore irresistible, that whatever may be due to Moly- 
neux or Hakluyt in the execution of the original, it 
also represents the first map upon the true projec- 
tion by Edward Wright. It will be observed as a 
somewhat happy coincidence that Hallam's almost 
first words of introduction to our map are a refer- 
ence to the Arctic work of Davis, 1585-7. On the 
map is also to be observed a record of the discovery 
by the Dutchman Barents, of northern Novaya Zem- 
lya, in his third voyage in 1596.^ This is the latest 

1 Observe, " Het behouden buys**, tbe bouse of safety wbere tbe 
Barents relics were found. 


geographical discovery recorded upon it, which serves 
not only to determine the date of the map, but to 
establish for it the undoubted claim of being the 
earliest one engraved in England, whereon this last 
important Arctic discovery is to be found. The 
striking similarity between our map and Molyneux's 
globe, in the delineations of these Arctic discoveries 
of Davis and Barents, seems to point to the conclu- 
sion that, so far as the geography is concerned, they 
both came from one source, namely, the hands of 

Arctic discovery did not escape the notice of our 
immortal Shakspere. In some fifty lines preced- 
ing his supposed reference to our map in Twelfth 
Night occur the following words: "You are now 
sailed into the north of my lady's opinion, where you 
will hang like an icicle on a Dutchman's beard."^ The 
antithetical idea being of course the equatorial region 
of the lady's opinion. If the date assigned to it is 
correct, it is probable in the extreme that the thought 
underlying these words was suggested to the mind 
of Shakspere by a glance at the upper portion of 
our map, evidently well known in his time as a 
separate publication. The remaining points that call 
for notice are as follows. The improved geography 
of the whole of the eastern portion of our map, as 
compared with its contemporaries, and the traces of 
the first appearance of the Dutch under Davis and 
Houtman at Bantam. On all the old maps was to 
be seen the huge Ten-a Australis of the old geography. 

* Act iii, scene 2. 


This, as Hallam remarked, had been left out on our 
map; but what is so remarkable is that upon it is to 
be observed, rising "like a little cloud out of the sea, 
like a man's hand", the then unknown continent of 
Australia. It will be observed that Hallam describes 
the original as "the best map of the sixteenth cen- 
tury". Mr. Quaritch improves upon this, and says 
it is "by far the finest chartographical labour which 
appeared, from the epoch of the discovery of America 
down to the time of d'Anville" 1^ If this implies a 
reference to our map as a work of art, i.e., an en- 
graving, we beg to differ from him, as such terms are 
misleading. As a specimen of map engraving, it will 
not compare with even its pirated prototype by Hon- 
dius. The art of engraving by EngUshmen, more 
particularly that of maps, was at this period, as is 
well known, in its infancy. Maps and illustrations 
for books were for the most part executed abroad, 
and those who did work here were almost all foreign- 
ers. The two best known were Augustus Ryther, 
who executed among other things the maps for Sax- 
ton's Atlas, and Hondius, who did those for Speed's 
Atlas. Mr. Richard Fisher writes;* "We have scarcely 
any record of any Englishman practising engraving 
in this country prior to the commencement of the 
seventeenth century." The names, however, of two 
are afforded us by Davis himself in his Introduction 
to the Seaman's Secrets, namely, those of Molyneux 

1 Bib^Geog. Ling., 12081. 

^ Catalogue of Engravings, p. 309. 


and Hillyer.' It is to be hoped that the position of 
our map in the history of cartography is secured upon 
firmer grounds than those suggested by the best in- 
tentions of Mr. Quaritch. It was the writer's belief 
in this that first led him to express the hope that the 
original of the facsimile, so admirably done for the 
Society, would henceforth be as firmly associated 
with Shakspere's Twelfth Night as it certainly is 
now, not only with the pages of Hakluyt, but with 
the publications of the Society that bears his name. 


' Nicholas Hilliard. See note at p. 233. To these may be 
added Rogers, Switser, and Cure. See Palladis TamuBy Wit's 
Treasury. By Francis Meres, London, 1578, Svo, p. 287. 


as. Dums 



lifwil^litnl . 

The first voyage^ of Master John Davis, undertaken 

ia June 1585, for the Disco verie of the Northwest 


Written hy John Janes, Marchant, servant to the worshipfull 

M. William Sanderson. 

Cebtainb Honourable personages and worthy Grentlemen of 
the Court and Cottntrey, with divers worshipfull Marchants 
of London and of the West Countrey, mooved with desire to 
advance God^s glory and to seeke the good of their native 
Countrey, consulting together of the likelihood of the Dis- 
coverie of the Northwest passage, which heretofore had 
bene attempted, but unhappily given over by accidents un- 
locked for, which turned the enterprisers from their princi- 
pal! purpose, resolved after good deliberation, to put downe 
their adventures to provide for necessarie shipping, and a 
fit man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enterprise. 

The setting foorth of this action was committed by the 
adventurers, especially to the care of M. William Sanderson, 
Marchant of London, who was so forward therein, that be- 
sides his travaiie which was not small, hee became the 
greatest adventurer with his purse, and commended unto 
the rest of the company one M. John Davis, a man very well 
grounded in the principles of the arte of Navigation, for 
Captaine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt. 

Thus, therefore, all things being put in a readines, wee 
departed from Dartmouth the seventh of June, towards the 
discoverie of the aforesayd Northwest passage, with two 

1 The Three Voyages of John Davis to the Northwest are taken 
from Hakluyt^s Principall Navigations ^ etc.^ published in 1589. 



iwVoTAOE. Bartg^ the one being of 50 tunnes, named the Sunneshine 
of London^ and the other being 35 tannes^ named the 
Mooneshine of Dartmouth. In the Sunneshine we had 23 
persons, whose names are these following, M. John Davis, 
Captaine ; William Eston, Master ; Richard Pope, Master's 
mate ; John Jane, Marchant ; Henry Davie, gunner ; Wil- 
liam Crosse, boatswayne; John Ba gge ; Walter Arthur 
Luke Adams ; Robert Coxworthie ; John Ellis ; John Kelly 
Edward Helman ; William Dicke ; Andrew Maddocke 
Thomas Hill ; Robert Wats, carpenter ; William Russel 
Christopher Gorney, boy; James Cole, Francis Ridley, 
John Russel, Robert Cornish, musicians. 

The Mooneshine had 19 persons, William Bruton, Cap- 
taine ; John Ellis, Master ; the rest Mariners. 

The 7 of June the Captaine and the Master drewe out a 
proportion for the continuance of our victuals. 

The 8 day, the winde being at Southwest and West south- 
west, wee put in for Falmouth, where we remained untill 
the 13. 

The 1 3 the winde blewe at North, and being fayre weather 
we departed. 

The 14 with contrarie winde we were forced to put into 

The 15 we departed thence, having the winde North and 
by East, moderate and fayre weather. 

The 16 we were driven backe againe, and were con- 
strained to arrive at newe Grymsbie at Sylley : here the 
winde remained contrarie 12 dayes, and in that space the 
Captaine, the Master and I went about all the Hands, and 
the Captaine did platte out and describe the situation of all 
the Hands, rockes and harboroughs to the exact use of Navi- 
gation, with lynes and scale thereunto convenient, 
^m sy?iie! The 28, in God^s name, we departed, the winde being 
Easterly, but calme. 

» 'J'he ScDly Islands. 



The 29 very foggie. i8i?voTi.oB. 

The 30 foggie. 

The first of July we sawe great store of Porposes. The July. 
Master called for an harping yron/ and shot twise or thrise : 
sometimes he missed^ and at last shot one and strooke him 
iu the side, and wound him into the shippe ; when we had 
him aborde^ the Master sayd it was a darlie head. 

The 2 we had some of the fish sodden^ and it did eate as 
sweete as any mutton. 

The 3 we had more in sight, and the Master went to 
shoote at- them, but they were so great, that they burst our 
yrons, and we lost both fish, yrons, pastime and all : yet 
neverthelesse, the Master shot at them with a pike, and had 
welnigh gotten one, but he was so strong that he burst off 
the barres of the pike and went away : then hee tooke the 
boat hooke, and hit one with that, but all would not pre- 
vaile, so at length we let them alone. 

The sixt we sawe a very great Whale, and every day after 
we sawe Whales continually. 

The 16, 17, 18, we sawe great store of Whales. 

The 19 of July we fell into a great whirling and brustling 
of a tyde, setting to the Northwards ; and sayling about 
halfe a league wee came into a very calme Sea, which bent 
to the South southwest. Here we heard a mighty great 
roaring of the Sea, as if it had bene the breach of some 
shoare, the ayre being so foggie and full of thicke mist, that 
wee could not see the one ship from the other, being a very 
small distance asunder : so the Captaine and the Master 
being in distrust howe the tyde might set them, caused the 
Mooneshine to hoyse out her boate and to sound, but they 
could not finde ground in 300 fathoms and better. Then 
the Captaine, Master and I went towards the breach to 
see what it should be, giving charge to our gunners that 

• A harpoon. 



itrVoT^oB. at every glasse^ they should shoote off a musket shot, to the 

intent we might keepe ourselves from loosing them. Then 

comming nere to the breach, we met many Hands of yce 

floting, which had quickly compassed us about : then we 

T*»e ruling went upou some of them, and did perceive that all the roar- 

mSSa*^ ing which we heard, was caused onely by the rouling of 

great roar, ^j^j^ ^^^ together: Our company seeing us not to returne 

according to our appointment, left off shooting muskets, 
and began to shoote faukonets,^ for they feared some mishap 
had befallen us, but before night we came aborde againe 

Yceto^d with our boat laden with yce, which made very good fresh 
water. Then we bent our course towarde the North, hoping 
by that meanes to double the land. 

The 20 as we sayled along the coast the fogge brake up, 
and wee discovered the land, which was the most deformed 
rocky and mountainous land that ever we sawe. The first 
sight whereof did shewe us as if it had bene in forme of a 
sugar loafo, standing to our sight above the cloudes, for 
that it did shewe over the fogge like a white liste in the 
skye, the tops altogether covered with snowe, and the 
shoare beset with yce a league off into the Sea, making such 
yrksome noyse as that it seemed to. be the true patteme of 

The iw»d of (Jesolation, and after the same our Captaine named it. The 

Desolation. ' ^ ' 

land of Desolation.* 

The 21 the winde came Northerly and overblewe, so that 
we were constrained to bend our course South againe, for 
we perceived that we were runne into a very deepe Bay, 
where wee were almost compassed with yce, for we sawe 
very much toward the North northeast, West and South- 
west : and this day and this night we cleared our selves of 
the yce, running South southwest along the shoare. 

1 The time was kept, as until very recently in the Royal Navy, by 
half -hour sand-glasses. 

* A falconet was a small cannon, throwing a ball of I ^ lbs. weight. 

» I'his land in all probability was near Cape Dipcord, on the eastern 
coast of Greenland. 


Upon Thursday, being the 22 of this moneth, about three i»»Votao». 
of the clocke in the morning, wee hoysed out our boate, and 
the Captaine with five saylers went towards the shoare, think- 
ing to find a landing place, for the night before we did per- 
ceive the coast to be voide of yce to our judgement, and the 
same night we were all persuaded that wee had scene a canoa 
rowing along the shoare, but afterwards we fell in some 
doubt of it, but we had no great reason so to doe. The 
Captaine rowing towards the shoare, willed the Master to 
beare in with the land after him, and before he came neere 
the shore by the space of a league, or about two miles, hee 
found so much yce, that he could not get to land by any 
meanes. Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they 
could get any fish, because there were so many scales upon 
the coast, and the birds did beate upon the water, but all was 
in vaine : The water about this coast was very blacke and v«7 h\aLke 

J water. 

thicke, like to a filthy standing poole, we sounded and had 
ground in 120 fathoms. While the Captaine was rowing to 
the shoare, our men sawe woods upon the rocks, like to the 
rocks of Newfoundland, but I could not disceme them, yet 
it might be so very well : for we had wood Acting upon the ^^"*^ 
coast every day, and the Momieshine tooke up a tree at Sea 
not farre from the coast, being six tie foote of length and 
fourteene handfuls about, having the roote upon it : After 
the Captaine came aborde the weather being very calme and 
fayre, we bent our course toward the South, with intent to 
double the land. 

The 23 we coasted the land which did lye East northeast 
and West southwest. 

The 2i the winde being very faire at East, wc coasted the 
land which did lie East and West, not being able to come 
neere the shoare by reason of the great quantitie of yce. At 
this place, because the weather was somewhat colde by CoMo by 

* ' •' reason of 

reason of the yce, and the better to encourage our men, their y*^®- 
alowance wtvs increased : The Captaine and the Master tooke 

ur mscovEEiEs 
BB Djuns 



The first voyage^ of Master John Davis, undertaken 

in June 1585, for the Discoverie of the Northwest 


Written by John Janes, Marohant, servant to the worshipful! 

M. William Sanderson. 

Cebtaine Honourable personages and worthy Gentlemen of 
the Court and Cottntrey, with divers worshipfull Marchants 
of London and of the West Countrey, mooved with desire to 
advance God's glory and to seeke the good of their native 
Countrey, consulting together of the likelihood of the Dis- 
coverie of the Northwest passage, which heretofore had 
bene attempted, but unhappily given over by accidents un- 
looked for, which turned the enterprisers from their princi- 
pal! purpose, resolved after good deliberation, to put downe 
their adventures to provide for necessarie shipping, and a 
fit man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enterprise. 

The setting foorth of this action was committed by the 
adventurers, especially to the care of M. William Sanderson, 
Marchant of London, who was so forward therein, that be- 
sides his travaile which was not small, hee became the 
greatest adventurer with his pnrse, and commended unto 
the rest of the company one M. John Davis, a man very well 
grounded in the principles of the arte of Navigation, for 
Captaine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt. 

Thus, therefore, all things being put in a readines, wee 
departed from Dartmouth the seventh of June, towards the 
discoverie of the aforesayd Northwest passage, with two 

1 The Three Voyages of John Davis to the Northwest are taken 
from Halcluyt^s Principall Navigatiowf, etc., published in 1589. 



iwVoTAOK. Barkg^ the one being of 50 tunnes, named the Sunneshlne 
of London^ and the other being 35 tonnes, named the 
Mooneshine of Dartmouth. In the Sunneshine we had 23 
persons, whose names are these following, M. John Davis, 
Captaine ; William Eston, Master ; Richard Pope, Master's 
mate ; John Jane, Marchant ; Henry Davie, gunner ; Wil- 
liam Crosse, boatswayne ; John Bngge ; W^alter Arthur 
Luke Adams ; Robert Cox worthie ; John Ellis ; John Kelly 
Edward Helman ; William Dicke ; Andrew Maddocke 
Thomas Hill ; Robert Wats, carpenter ; William Russel 
Christopher Gorney, boy ; James Cole, Francis Ridley, 
John Russel, Robert Cornish, musicians. 

The MooneMne had 19 persons, William Bruton, Cap- 
taine ; John Ellis, Master ; the rest Mariners. 

The 7 of June the Captaine and the Master drewe out a 
proportion for the continuance of our victuals. 

The 8 day, the winde being at Southwest and West south- 
west, wee put in for Falmouth, where we remained untill 
the 13. 

The 1 3 the winde blewe at North, and being fayre weather 
we departed. 

The 14 with contrarie winde we were forced to put into 

The 15 we departed thence, having the winde North and 
by East, moderate and fayre weather. 

The 16 we were driven backe againe, and were con- 
strained to arrive at newe Grymsbie at Sylley: hero the 
winde remained contrarie 12 dayes, and in that space the 
Captaine, the Master and I went about all the Hands, and 
the Captaine did platte out and describe the situation of all 
the Hands, rockes and harboroughs to the exact use of Navi- 
gation, with lynes and scale thereunto convenient. 
ftSm sj^ The 28, in God's name, we departed, the winde being 
Easterly, but calme. 

' I'he Scilly Islands. 


The 29 very foggie. ibtVoxam. 

The 30 foggie. 

The first of July we sawe great store of Porposes. The Jniy. 
Master called for an harping yron,* and shot twise or thrise: 
sometimes he missed^ and at last shot one and strooke him 
in the side, and wound him into the shippe ; when we had 
him aborde^ the Master sayd it was a darlie head. 

The 2 we had some of the fish sodden, and it did eate as 
Bweete as any mutton. 

The 3 we had more in sight, and the Master went to 
shoote atthem^ but they were so great, that they burst our 
yrons, and we lost both fish, yrons, pastime and all : yet 
neverthelesse, the Master shot at them with a pike, and had 
welnigh gotten one, but he was so strong that he burst off 
the barres of the pike and went away : then hee tooke the 
boat hooke, and hit one with that, but all would not pre- 
vailed so at length we let them alone. 

The sixt we sawe a very great Whale, and every day after 
we sawe Whales continually. 

The 16, 17, 18, we sawe great store of Whales. 

The 19 of July we fell into a great whirling and brustling 
of a tyde, setting to the Northwards ; and sayling about 
halfe a league wee came into a very calme Sea, which bent 
to the South southwest. Here we heard a mighty great 
roaring of the Sea, as if it had bene the breach of some 
shoare, the ayre being so foggie and full of thicke mist, that 
wee could not see the one ship from the other, being a very 
small distance asunder : so the Captaine and the Master 
being in distrust howe the tyde might set them, caused the 
Mooneshine to hoyse out her boate and to sound, but they 
could not finde ground in 800 fathoms and better. Then 
the Captaine, Master and I went towards the breach to 
see what it should be, giving charge to our gunners that 

' A harpoon. 



iifVoTAos. hIj every glasse^ they should shoote off a musket shot, to the 

intent we might keepe ourselves from loosing them. Then 

comming nere to the breach, we met many Hands of yce 

floting, which had quickly compassed us about : then we 

The rouiing went upou somo of them, and did perceive that all the roar- 

madSa'^ iug which WO heard, was caused onely by the rouling of 

SJ**™*^ this yce together: Our company seeing us not to returne 

according to our appointment, left off shooting muskets, 

and began to shoote faukonots,* for they feared some mishap 

had befallen us, but before night we came aborde againo 

Sto waS^ with our boat laden with yce, which made very good fresh 

water. Then we bent our course towarde the North, hoping 

by that meanes to double the land. 

The 20 as we sayled along the coast the fogge brake up, 
and wee discovered the land, which was the most deformed 
rocky and mountainous land that ever we sawe. The first 
sight whereof did shewe us as if it had bene in forme of a 
sugar loafo, standing to our sight above the cloudes, for 
that it did shewe over the fogge like a white liste in the 
skye, the tops altogether covered with snowe, and the 
shoare beset with yce a league off into the Sea, making such 
yrksome noyse as that it seemed to. be the true patterne of 
The^jj^d^' desolation, and after the same our Captaine named it. The 
land of Desolation.^ 

The 21 the winde came Northerly and overblewe, so that 
we were constrained to bend our course South againe, for 
we perceived that we were runne into a very deepc Bay, 
where wee were almost compassed with yce, for we sawe 
very much toward the North northeast. West and South- 
west : and this day and this night we cleared our selves of 
the yce, running South southwest along the shoare. 

1 The time was kept, as until very recently in the Royal Navy, by 
half -hour sand-glasses. 

' A falconet was a small cannon, throwing a ball of I ^ lbs. weight. 

» This land in all probability was near Cape Dificord, on the eastern 
coast of Greenland. 


Upon Thursday, being the 22 of this moneth, about three ^"Vot aq». 
of the clocke in the morning, wee hoysed out our boate, and 
the Captaine with five saylers went towards the shoare, think- 
ing to find a landing place, for the night before we did per- 
ceive the coast to be voide of yce to our judgement, and the 
same night we were all persuaded that wee had seene a canoa 
rowing along the shoare, but afterwards we fell in some 
doubt of it, but we had no great reason so to doe. The 
Captaine rowing towards the shoare, willed the Master to 
beare in with the land after him, and before he came neere 
the shore by the space of a league, or about two miles, heo 
found so much yce, that he could not get to land by any 
meanes. Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they 
could get any fish, because there were so many scales upon 
the coast, and the birds did beate upon the water, but all was 
in vaine : The water about this coast was very blacke and ^^Sr^^*^^* 
thicke, like to a filthy standing poole, we sounded and had 
ground in 120 fathoms. While the Captaine was rowing to 
the shoare, our men sawe woods upon the rocks, like to the 
rocks of Newfoundland, but I could not disceme them, yet 
it might be so very well : for we had wood Acting upon the ^^^^ 
coast every day, and the Mooneshine tooke up a tree at Sea 
not farre from the coast, being sixtie foote of length and 
fourteene handfuls about, having the roote upon it : After 
the Captaine came aborde the weather being very calme and 
fay re, we bent our course toward the South, with intent to 
double the land. 

The 23 we coasted the land which did lye East northeast 
and West southwest. 

The 24: the winde being very faire at tJast, we coasted the 
land which did lie East and West, not being able to come 
neere the shoare by reason of the great quantitie of yce. At 
this place, because the weather was somewhat colde byCoWeby 

r ' *f reason of 

reason of the yce, and the better to encourage our men, their y*^®- 
alowance was increased : The Captaine and the Master tooke 


IrVotaos. order that every messe being five persons, should have halfe 
a pound of bread and a kan of beere every morning to 
breakfast. The weather was not very colde, but the ayre 
was moderate like to our April weather in England : when 
the winde came from the land or the yce it was somewhat 
colde^ but when it came off the sea it was very hotte. 

The 25 of this moneth wee departed from sight of this 
N*rth"*^^t ^^^^» ** ^^® ^^ ^^^ clocke in the morning, directing our 
rSovo foure ^°°^^® to the Northwestwarde, hoping in God^s mercy to 
^*^*** finde our desired passage, and so continued above foure 

LMidin64 The 29 of July we discovered land in 64 decrrees 15 mi. 

decrees 16 f ^ ^ 

«^ of latitude, bearing North east from us.^ The winde being 

contrary to goe to the Northwestwards, we bare in with 
this land to take some vewe of it, being utterly voyde of 
the pester of yce, and very temperate. Comming neere the 
coast, we found many fayre sounds and good roads for ship- 
ping, and many groat inlets into the land, whereby wee 
judged this land to be a great number of Islands standing 
together. Here having mored our barke in good order, we 
went on shoare upon a small Islande, to seeke for water and 
wood. Upon this Island we did perceive that there had 

The soande bene Dcople, for we found a small shoe and pieces of leather 

where oar * * ^ * 

Bhipe did gowcd with sincwcs, and a piece of furre, and wooU like to 
Gu^'a Bever. Then we went upon another Island on the other side 
of our ships : and the Captaine, the Master, and I, being got 
up to the top of an high rocke, the people of the country 
having espied us, made a lamentable noyse, as we thought, 
with great outcryes and skreechings : wee hearing them, 
thought it had bene the howling of wolves. At last I 
hallowed againe, and they likewise cryed. Then we per- 
ceiving where they stood, some on the shoare, and one row- 
ing in a Canoa about a smal Hand fast by them, we made 

1 Davis must, at this time, have been at the entrance of the fiord, on 
which is now situated the Danish settlement of Godthaab. 



a great noyse, partly to allure them to us, and partly to ^"Votaoi. 

wame our company of them. Whereupon M» Bruton, and 

the master of his ship, with others of their company, made 

great haste towards us, and brought our Musicians with Muaioianfl. 

them from our shippe, purposing either by force to rescue 

us, if neede should so require, or with curtesie to allure the 

people. When they came unto us, we caused our Musicians 

to play, our selves dauncing, and making many signes of 

friendship. At length there came 10 Ganoas from the other 

Hands, and two of them came so neere the shoare where we 

were, that they talked with us, the other beinsr in their ''?®p«<^p*« 

'J ' o of the cooii- 

boats a pretie way off. Their pronounciation was very hollow Sd*oon^ 
through the throate, and their speach such as we could not om^men?* 
understand : onely we allured them by friendly imbracings 
and signes of curtesie. At length one of them poynting up 
to the suune with his hande, would presently strike his 
brest so hard, that we might here the blowe. This he did 
many times, before he would any way trust us. Then John 
Ellis the master of the Mooneahine, was appointed to use 
his best policie to gaine their friendshippe : who strooke his 
breast and poynted to the sunne after their order : which 
when he had diverse times done, they began to trust him, 
and one of them came on shoare, to whome we threwe our 
caps, stockings and gloves, and such other things as then 
we had about us, playing with our musicke, and making 
signes of joy, and dancing. So the night comming we bade 
them farewoell, and went aboord our barks. 

The next morning being the SO of July, there came 37 
Canoas rowing by our shippes, calling to us to come on 
shoare : Wee not makiug any ^reat haste unto them, one of 
them weut up to the top of the rocke, and lept and daunced 
as they had done the day before, shewing us a scales skinue, 
and another thing made like a timbrel, which he did beate 
upon with a sticke, making a noyse like a small drumme. ^^^^ 
Whereupon we manned our boats and came to them, they 


sfdVoyaoi pleased God, by contrary windos, to force us, I thought it 
very necessary to beare in with it, and there to set up our 
Pynnace, provided in the Mermayde to be our scout for 
this discoverie ; and so much the rather, because the yeere 
before I had bene in the same place, and founde it very 
convenient for such a purpose, well stored with flote woode, 
and possessed by a people of tractable conversation : so 
that the nine and twentieth of this raoneth wee arrived 
within the Isles which lay before this lande, lying North 
Northwest, and South Southeast, wee knowe not howe 
farre. This lande is very high and mountainous, having 
before it, on the West side, a raightie companie of Isles 
full of fayre soundes and harboroughs. This land was 
very little troubled with snowe, and the sea altogether 
voyd of yco. 

The shippes being within the soundes, we sent our boates 
to searche for shole water, where wee might anker, which 
in this place is very harde to finde : and as the boate went 
sounding and searching, the people of the country having 
espyed them, came in their Canoas towardes them with many 
shoutes and cryes : but after they had espied in the boate, 
some of our companie that were the yeere before heere 
with us, they presently rowed to the boate, and tooke holde 
in the oare, and hung about the boate with such comfortable 
joy as woulde require a long discourse to be uttered : they 
came with the boates to our shippes, making signes that 
they knewe all those that the yere before had bene with 
them. After I perceived their joy, and smal feare of us, 
my selfe with the merchaunts, and others of the company 
went a shoare, bearing with me twentie knives : I had no 
sooner landed, but they lept out of their Canoas, and came 
running to mee and the rest, and imbraced us with many 
signes of hartie welcome : at this present there were eighteene 
of them, and to each of them I gave a knife : they offered 
skinnes to mee for rewarde, but I made signes that it was 


not soldo, but given them of curtesie: and so dismissed **'*^^^*^**" 
them for that time, with signes that they shoulde returne 
againe after certaine houres. 

The next day, with all possible speede, the Pynace was 
landed upon an Isle there to bee finished^ to serve our pur- 
pose for the discoverie, which Isle was so convenient for 
that purpose, as that we were very well able to defend our 
selves against many enemies. During the time that the 
Pynace was there setting up, the people came continually 
unto us, sometime an hundred Canoas at a time, sometime 
fourtie, fiftie, more and lesse, as occasion served. They 
brought with them seale skinnes, stagge skinnes, white 
hares, seale fishe, samon peale, smal codde, dry caplin, 
with other fish, and byrdes, such as the country did 

My selfe, still desirous to have a farther search of this 
place, sent one of the shipboates to one part of the land, 
and my selfe went to another parte, to searche for the habit- 
ation of this people, with straight commaundement that 
there should be no injurie offered to any of the people, 
neither any gunne shot. 

The boates that went from me found the tents of the 
people made with seale skinnes, set up upon timber, wherin 
they founde great store of dried Caplin, being a litle fish 
no bigger then a pilchard : they found bags of trayne oyle, 
many little images cut in wood, seale skinnes in tan tubs, 
with many other such trifles, whereof they diminished no- 

They also found, tenne miles within the snowy mountaines, 
a plaine champion countrey, with earth and grasse, such 
as our moory and waste grounds of England are : they went 
up into a river (which in the narrowest place is two leagues ^^^^^ 
broad) about ten leagues, finding it still to continue they 
knew not how far : but I, with my company, tooke another 
river, which although at the first it offered a large inlet, 



*■ yet it prooved but a deepe bay, the end whereof in foure 
hourea I attayned, and there leaving the boat well manned, 
went with the rest of my company three or foure miles 
into the country, but found nothing, nor saw anything, 
save onely gripes,^ ravens, and small birds, as larke and 

The third of July I manned my boat, and went, with 
fifty canoas attending upon me, up into another sound, 
where the people by signes willed me to goe, hoping to 
finde theyr habitation : at length they made signes that I 
should go into a warme place to sleepe, at which place I 
went on shore, and ascended the toppe of an high hill to 
see into the country, but perceiving my labor vaine, I 
returned againe to my boat, the people still following me 
and my company, very diligent to attend us, and to helpe 
us up the rocks, and likewise downe : at length I was 
desirous to have our men leape with them, which was done, 
but our men did overleape them : from leaping they went 
to wrestling; we found them strong and nimble, and to 
have skill in wrestling, for they cast some of our men that 
were good wrestlers. 

The fourth of July we lanched our pinnesse, and had forty 
of the people to helpe us, which they did very willingly : 
at this time our men againe wrestled with them, and found 
them as before, strong and skilfull. This fourth of July 
the Maister of the Mermaid went to certaine Islands to 
store himselfe with wood, where he found a grave with 

d divers buried in it, onely covered with scale skinnes, having 

ra a crosse laid over them. The people are of good stature, 
well in body proportioned, with small slender hands and 

^- feet, with broad visages, and small eyes, wide mouthes, the 
most part unbearded, great lips, and close toothed. Theyr 
custome is as often as they go from us, still at their retume 

» The Ger Falcon. The Dame Gripe was an old English term ap- 
plied to the eagle, or vulture, from the Greek word Tpwds, Bignifying 
a crooked noee or beak. 


to make a new truce, in this sort, holding his hand up to ^wdVotaoi 
the Sunne, with a lowd voice cryeth Ylyaoute, and striketh 
his brest, with like signes being promised safetie, he giveth 
credit. These people are much given to bleed, and there- 
fore stoppe theyr noses with deere hayre, or the hayre of an 
elan. They are idolaters^ and have images great store, 
which they were about them, and in theyr boats, which we 
suppose they worship. They are witches, and have many 
kindes of inchantments, which they often used, but to small 
purpose, thanks be to God. 

Being among them at shore the fourth of July, one of 
them making a long oration, beganne to kindle a fire in 
this manor: he tooke a piece of a boord, wherin was a 
hole halfe thorow : into that hole he puts the end of a roiid 
sticke like unto a bedstaSe, wetting the end therof in traine, 
and in fashion of a turner, with a piece of lether, by his 
violent motion doth very speedily produce fire : which done, Theyr 
with turfs he made a fire, into which, with many words and £J*i{£^jq 
strange gestures, he put divers things, which we supposed SSSe*. 
to be a sacrifice : my selfe and divers of my company stand- 
ing by, they were desirous to have me go into the smoke, 
I willed them likewise to stand in the smoke, in which they 
by no meanes would do. I then tooke one of them, and 
thrust him into the smoke, and willed one of my com- 
pany to tread out the fire, and to spume it into the sea, 
which was done to shew them that we did contemne theyr 

These people are very simple in all theyr conversation 
but marvellous theevish, especially for iron, which they have 
in great accout. They began through our lenity to shew 
theyr vile nature : they began to cut our cables : they cut ^«»* 
away the Moonlights boat from her steme, they cut our 
cloth where it lay to ayre, though we did carefully looke 
unto it, they stole our oares, a caliver, a boare speare, a 
sword, with divers other things, wherat the company and 



sitbVotxoi maisters being grieved, for our better security, desired me 
to dissolve this new friendship, and to leave the company of 
these theevish miscreants : wherupon there was a caliver^ 
shot among them, and immediatly upon the same a faulcon,^ 
which strange noice did sore amaze them, so that with speed 
they departed : notwithstanding theyr simplicity is such, 
that within ten houres after they came againe to us to in- 
treat peace : which being promised, we againe fell into a 
great league. They brought us seale skinnes, and sammon 
peale, but seeing iron, they could in no wise forbeare steal- 
ing : which when I perceived it did but minister unto me an 
occasion of laughter, to see theyr simplicity, and willed that 
in no case they should be any more hardly used, but that 
our owne company should be the more vigilant to keepe 
theyr thinges, supposing it to be very hard in so short time 

T^eirrudo to make them know theyr evils. They eat all theyr meat 
raw, they live most upon fish, they drinke salt water, and 
eat grasse and ice with delight : they are never out of the 
water, but live in the nature of fishes, but onely when dead 
sleepe taketh them, and then under a warme rocke, laying 
his boat upon the land, he lyeth downe to sleepe. 

Theyr Theyr weapons are all darts, but some of them have bowe 

and arrowes and slings. 

strangB Thcv make nets to take their fish, of the finne of a 

nets. •' / ^ 

whale : they do all theyr things very artificially : and it should 
seeme that these simple theevish Islanders have warre with 
those of the maine, for many of them are sore wounded, 
which wounds they received upon the maine land, as by 
signes they gave us to understand. We had among them 
Copper copper oare, blacke copper, and red copper : they pronouce 
theyr language very hollow, and deepe in the throat : these 
words following we learned from them. 

1 A caliver was a small hand-gun or arquebuas. 
* A piece of ordnance about 7 feet long, throwing a ball of about 3 
lbs. weight, was called a falcon. 




KesiDyoh,! Eat some. 
Madlycoytc, Musike. 
Aginyoh,* Go fetch. 
Yiiaoute, I mcane do harm. 
Ponameg,* A boat. 
Paaotyck,* An oare. 
Asanock,* A dart. 
Sawygraeg,* A knife. 
Uderah, A nose. 
Aoh, Iron. 
Blete, An eye. 
Unuicke, Give it. 
Tuckloaky^ A stagge or ellan. 
Panygmah, A needle. 
Aob, The sea. 
Mysacoah,** Wash it. 
Lethicksaneg, A seale skinne. 
Canyglow,' Kisse me. 
Ugnera,*® My sonne. 
Acu, Shot. 

Conah, Leape. 
Maatuke," Fish. 
Sambah,^' Below. 
Maconmeg,'* Will you have this. 
Cocah," Go to him. 
Aba,** Fallen downe. 
Icune," Come hither. 
Awennye, Yonder. 
Nugo," No. 
Tucktodo, A fogge. 
Lechiksah, A skinne. 
Maccoah,** A dart. 
Sugnacoon, A coat. 
Gounah, Come downe. 
Sasobneg, A bracelet. 
Ugnake, A tongue. 
Ataneg,^* A seale. 
Macuah, A beard. 
Pignagogah, A threed. 
Quoy sah,**> Give it to me. 



Note. — Dr. Rink, the Director of Royal Greenland Trade at Copen- 
hagen, and formerly Royal Inspector of South Greenland, has very 
kindly examined these Eskimo terms, and compared them with those 
now in use amongst the Greenlanders, with the following result. 

* Nerisinait, Only eat. 

' Aiguk, or ainiaruk, Fetch it. 

« Umiamik, (by) Boat. 

« Pautik, or pautit, A kayak 

' Agssangnik, By hand. 

* Savingmik, (with) Iron ; or a 

7 Tugto, A reindeer. 
' Misuguk, Dip it. 
' Kuninga, Kiss me. 

JO Emera, My son. 

" Matak, Whale skin. 

1' Sama, Below, or seaward. 

" Mkkuniuga, Some of these. 

X Kdkk, Go on. 

'» At&, Below it. 

'• Ikunga, Thither. 

" Nagga, No. 

18 M&kua, These. 

^' Atftnik, (by) Saddleback seals. 

*o Kdissuk, Give it. 

It will be seen that many of these words have a great similarity, both 
in sound and sense, to those of the present day. The collection of them 
reflects great credit on the accuracy and perspicacity of Davis ; for the 
difficulty of obtaining and writing down the words and phrases of an 
unknown tongue is very great, more especially after such a short inter- 
course with the natives as Davis had, both parties being totally ignorant 
of each other^s language. 


iwVoTAo^. all staying in their Canoas : wee came to the waterside 
where they ^ere : and after we had swome by the sunne 
after their fashion, they did trust us. So I shooke hands 
with one of them^ and hee kissed my hand^ and we were 
very familier with them. We were in so great credit with 
them upon this single acquaintance^ that wee could have any 

SSSe'i^ thing they had. We bought five Canoas of them : we 

BayaffM bought their clothes from their backs^ which were all made 
of scales skins and birdes skinnes : their buskins^ their hose, 
their gloves, all being commonly sowed and well dressed : 
so that we were fully persuaded that they have divers arti- 
ficers among them. Wee had a paire of buskins of them full 
of fine wooll like bever. Their apparell for heate, was made 
of birds skinnes with their feathers on them. We sawe 
among them leather dressed like glovers leather^ and thicke 
thongs like white leather of a good length. Wee had of their 
darts and oares^ and found in them that they would by no 
meanes displease us, but would give us whatsoever we asked 
of them, and would be satisfied with whatsoever we gave 
them : They tooke great care one of an other : for when we 
had bought their boates, then two other woulde come and 
carie him away between e them that had soulde us his. 
They are a very tractable people, voyde of craft or double 
dealing, and easie to be brought to any civilitie or good 
order : but wee judge them to bee Idolaters and to worship 
the Sunne. 

During the time of our abode among these Islands, we 

mvera sorti found reasonable quantitie of wood, both firre, spruse, and 
juniper ; which, whither it came floting any great distance to 
these places where we found it, or whither it grew in some 
great Islands neere the same place by us not yet discovered, 
we know not. But wee judge that it groweth there further 
into the lande then wee were, because the people had great 
store of darts and oares, which they made none accompt of, 
but gave them to us for small trifles, as poynts and pieces 


of paper. Wee sawe about this coaste marveilous great i»*Votaoi. 
aboandance of seales skulling together like skuls of smal They may 
fish. Wee found no fresh water amonsf these Islands, but trayne. it 

° they bad 

only snow water, whereof we found groate pooles. The g^®*^ 
cliflfes were al of such oare as M. Frobisher brought from ^^ 
meta Incognita. We had diverse shewes of studie or Mus- 
covie glasse^ shining not altogether unlike to Christal. Wee Miwoovie 
founde an herbe growing upon the rocks, whose fruite was 
sweete, full of red Joyce, and the ripe ones were like corinths.* coSthM^ 
We found also birch and willow growing like shrubs low to 
the ground : These people have great store of furs as we 
judge. They made shewes unto us ye 80 of this present, 
which was the second time of our being with them, after 
they perceived we would have skins, and furs, that they 
would goe into the country and come againe the next day, 
with such things as they had : but this night the wind com- 
ming faire the Gaptaine and the master would by no meanes 
detract the purpose of our discovery. And so the last of 
this moneth about 4 of the clocke in the morning, in God's 
name wee set sayle, and were al that day becalmed upon 
the coaste. 

The 1 of August we had a faire wind and so proceeded to- 
wards the northwest for our discoverie. 

The 6 of August we discovered land in 66 de. 40 mL of August, 
latitude altogether voyd from ye pester of yce : we ankered 
in a very faire rode, under a very brave mount, the cliflfes ^^^ ^^ 
whereof were as orient as gold. This mount was named 
mount Raleigh : the rode where our ships lay at anker was 
called Totnes Rode. The sounde which did compasse the 

^ Muscovy glass is a familiar term for Mica ; large plates of this 
mineral are used in Eastern Russia as a substitute for glass. 

• Currants ; probably the Empetrum nigrum ; a plant found in the 
Arctic parts of America and Europe, and regarded as an antiscor- 
butic. It is said the Greenlanders prepare a fermented liquor from its 



isrVoTAei. mount was named Exeter sound : the foreland towards the 
North, was called Dyers* Cape : the foreland towards the 
south was named Cape Walsingham.* So soone as we were 
come to an anker in Totnes Rode under mount Baleigh^ wo 
espied 4 white beares at the foote of the mount. We sup- 
posing them to bee goates or wolves^ manned our boats^ and 
went towards them : but when wee came neere the shore, 
wee found them to be white beares of a monstruous bignesse : 
we being desirous of fresh victual and the sport, began to 
assault them, and I being on land one of them came down 
the hil right against me ; my piece was charged with haile- 
shot and a bullet^ I discharged my piece and shot him in 
the necke : hee roared a litle and tooke the water straight^ 
making smal account of his hurt. Then we followed him 
in our boate, and killed him with boare speares^ and two 
more that night. We found nothing in their mawes^ but 
we judged by their dung, that they fed upon grasse^ because 
it appeared in al respects like the dung of an horse^ wherein 
we might very plainely see the very strawes. 

The 7 we went on shoare to another beare which lay al- 
night upon the top of an Island under mount Raleigh^ and 
when we came up to him he lay fast a sleepe. I leveled at 
his head^ and the stone of my peece gave no fire, with that 
he looked up and laid down his head againe : then I shot, 
being charged with 2 bullets, and strooke him in the head : 
he being but amazed fel backewardes^ wherupon we ran al 
upon him with borespeares and thrust him in the bodie ; yet 
for all that he grypt away our borespeares and went towards 
the water^ and as he was going downe he came backe againe. 
Then our master shot his borespeare and strooke him in the 
head^ and made him to take the water^ and swymme into a 

1 Probably named after Sir Edward Dyer, who was Chancellor of 
the Order of the Garter from 1596 until his death in 1608, and who 
was a great favounte of Queen Elizabeth ; or else aft^r Sir James, who 
was Chief Justice of Common Fleas, and died in 1582. 

* Called after Sir Francis Walsinghnm. 


cove fast by, where wo killed him and brought him aborde. iwVotam. 
The breadth of his forefoote from one side to the other, was 
14 ynches over. They were very fat, so as we were con- 
stray ned to cast the fat away. We saw a raven upon mount 
Raleigh. We found withies also growing lowe like shrubs, 
and flowers like primroses,^ in the sayd place. The coast is 
very mountaynous, altogether without wood, grasse or earth, 
and is only huge mountaines of stone^ but the bravest stone 
that ever we sawe. The ayre was very moderate in this 

The 8 we departed from mount Raleigh, coasting along 
the shoare, which lyeth south southwest, and north northeast. 

The 9 our men fel in dislike of their allowance, because 
it was to small as they thought. Whereupon we made a 
newe proportion : every messe, being five to a messe, should 
have 4 pound of bread a day : 12 wine quarts of bere : G 
neweland fishes ;^ and the flesh dayes a gill of pease more : 
so we restrayned them from their butter and cheese. 

The eleventh we came to the most southerly cape of this 
lande, which we named the Cape of God's mercy :^ as being 
the place of our first entrance for the discovery. The 
weather being very foggie we coasted this Northland : at 
length, when it brake up, we perceived that we were shotte 
into a very fayre entrance or passage, being in some places 
20 leagues broade, and in some 30, altogether voyde of any 
pester of yce, the weather very toUerable, and the water of 
the very coulour, nature, and qualitie of the mayne ocean, 
which gave us the greater hope of our passage. Having 
sayled Northwest sixtie leagues in this entrance wee dis- 
covered certaine Islandes standing in the middest thereof, 
having open passage on both sides.* Whereupon our shippes 

» Papaver Alpinum^ or Ranunculus Glacialis. 

* Newfoundland cod ? 

' llie north point of the entrance to Cumberland Gulf. 

« Middieaktak Islands, in Cumberland Golf. 


isrVoTAes. ^evided themselves, the one sayling on the North side, the 
other on the south side, of the sayde Isles, where wee stayed 
five dayes, having the winde at Southeast very foggie and 
foule weather. 

The 14 we went on shoare and found signes of people, for 
we found stones layde up together like a wall, and saw the 
skull of a man or a woman. 

The 15 we heard dogs houle on the shoare, which we 
thought had bene Wolves, and therefore we went on shoare 
to kil them. When we came on lande, the dogs came pre- 
sently to our boate very gently, yet we thought they came 
to pray upon us, and therefore we shot at them and killed 
two : and about the necke of one of them we found a letheren 
coller, whereupon we thought them to be tame dogs. There 
were twentie dogs like mastives with prickt eares and long 
bush tayles ; we found a bone in the pizels of their dogs. 
Then wee went farther and founde two sleads made like 
ours in Englande. The one was made of firre, spruse and 

Timbor okou boards, sawen like inch boards : the other was made 
all of whale bone, and there hung on the toppes of the sleds 
three heads of beasts, which they had killed. We saw here, 

Fowie. larkes, ravens, and partriges. 

The 17 we went on shoare, and in a litle thing made 
like an oven with stones, I found. many smal trifles, as a 
small canoa made of wood, a piece of wood made like an 

An imago, image, a bird made of bone, beads having small holes in one 
end of them to hang about their necks, and other small 
things. The coast was very barbarous, without wood or 
grasse. The rockes were very faire, like marble full of 
vaynes of diverse coulors. We found a seale which was 
killed not long before, being fleane and hid under stones. 

Probabiii- Qur Captaino and master searched still for probabilities 

tioH for the *^ *^ 

i****^- of the passage, and first found, that this place was all Islands, 

with great sounds passing betweene them. 
We never Secondly, the water remained of one coulour with the 
any bay be- mayuo oceau without altering. 


Thirdly, we saw to the west of those Isles, three or foure imVotaoi. 
Whales in a skul, which they judged to come from a westerly f^^^ „ 
sea, because to the Eastward we saw not any whale. thewntera 

4 , ... ill* csolour was 

Also as we were rowing into a very great sound lying altered veiy 

_ blackiBh.. 

southwest,^ from whence these whales came, upon the sud- 
dayne there came a violent counter checke of a tide from 
the southwest against the flood which we came with, not 
knowing from whence it was maintayned. 

Fiftly, in sayling 20 leagues within the mouth of this 
entrance we had sounding in 90 fathoms, faire gray osie 
sand, and the further we ran into the westwards, the deeper 
was the water, so that hard abord the shoare among these 
yles we could not have ground in 330 fathoms. 

Lastly it did ebbe and flowe 6 or 7 fathome up and downe, 
the flood comming from diverse parts, so as we could not 
perceive the chiefe maintenance thereof. 

The 18 and 19 our Gaptaine and Master determined what 
was best to doe, both for the safegarde of their credites and 
satisfying of the adventurers, and resolved, if the weather 
brake up, to make further search. 

The 20 the winde came directly against us, so they altered 
their purpose, and reasoned both for proceeding and re- 

The 21, the wind beingNorthwest,we departed from these 
Islands, and as wee coasted the south shore we sawe many 
fayre sounds, whereby we were persuaded that it was no 
firme land but Islands. 

The 23 of this moneth the wind came southeast very 
stormy and foule weather. So we were cons tray ned to seeke 
harborowe upon the south coast of this entrance, where wee 
fell into a very fayre sound, and ankered in 25 fathoms 
greene osy sand. Here we went on shoare, where we had 
manifest signes of people, where they had made their fire, 
and laide stones like a wall. In this place we sawe 4 very 

* Irvine Inlet? 


iwYoTAOB. fj^jj^ faulcons, and M. Bmton tooke from one of them his 
nmioona. pray, which we judged by the wings and legs to be a snyte,^ 

for the head was eaten off. 

The 24, in the afternoone, the wind comraing somewhat 
^^"" faire wee departed from this roade, purposing by God's 

grace to returne for England. 

The 26 we departed from sight of the Northlande of this 

entraunce, directin g our course homewards^ nntil the tenth 

of the next moneth. 
September. rpj^^ jq ^f September we fell with The land of Desolation, 

thinking to goe on shoare, but we could get never a good 

harborough. That night we put to sea againe thinking to 

searth it the next day : but this night arose a very great 

storme, and separated our ships so that we lost the sight of 

the Mooneshine. 

The 13 abont noone (having tryed al the night before 

with a goose wing)* we set saile, and within two houres after 
from the ^ WO had sight of the Mooneshiiie againe: this day we de- 
Desoiation parted from this land. 

to England, *■ 

iniidayes. The 27 of this moneth wee fell with sight of Englande. 
This night wee had a marveilous storme and lost the Moone- 

The 30 of September wee came into Dartmouth, where 
wee found the Mooneshine being come in not two houres 

1 An old English term for a woodcock or snipe, so called from the 
peculiar length of the bill or snotiU 

" The heron leaves watching at the river's brim, 
And brings the tt^iyte and plover in with him." 

Drayton, NoalCa Flood, 

* A sail is said to be ** goose winged^' when its clues, or lower comers, 
are set, the centre part of the sail being either furled or tied up. 

The second voyage attempted by Master John Davis 

with others, for the discoverie of the Northwest Passage, 

in Anno 1586. 

The seventh day of May, I departed from the porte of 
Dartmouth for the discovery of the Northwest passage, 
with a ship of an hundred and twentie tunnes named the 
Mermayde^ a barke of 60 tunnes named the Sunneshine, 
a barke of 35 tunnes, named the Moonelight^^ and a Pynace 
of ten tunnes named the Northstarre, 

And the 15 of June I discovered land^ in the latitude of 
60 degrees, and in longitude from the meridian of London 
westward 47 degrees, mightily pestered with yce and snow, 
so that there was no hope of landing : the yce lay in some 
places 10 leagues, in some 20, and in some 50 leagues off 
the shore, so that we were constrayned to beare into 57 
degrees to double the same, and to recover a free sea, which, 
through God's favourable mercy, we at length obtayned. 
The nine and twentieth of June, afler many tempestuous 
stormes, wee againe discovered lande, in longitude from 
the Meridian of London, 58 degrees 30 minutes, and in 
latitude 64, being East from us :' into which course, sith it 

1 This must he a misprint for the Mooneshine^ one of the two ships 
in Dayis^s first expedition. 

* In all prohahility Cape FareweU, although there is a difference of 
3 deg. of longitude, according to its position here given, and as at pre- 
sent determined. Considering the instruments in use at that time, this 
would he a very small error. 

» This position would place the ship in the very centre of Davis 
Strait, and at such a distance from the land, that it would he quite im- 
possihle to discern it. Presuming the latitude to he correct, Davis must, 
at this time, have heen near Godthaah Fiord, on the West coast of 
Greenland, which he had discovered during his preceding voyage and 
named Gilbert Sound. {See Note page 6.) 


jwdVoyaoi pleased God, by contrary windes, to force us, I thought it 
very necessary to beare in with it, and there to set up our 
Pynnace, provided in the Mermayde to be our scout for 
this discoverie ; and so much the rather, because the yeere 
before I had bone in the same place, and founde it very 
convenient for such a purpose, well stored with flote woode, 
and possessed by a people of tractable conversation ; so 
that the nine and twentieth of this raoneth wee arrived 
within the Isles which lay before this lande, lying North 
Northwest, and South Southeast, wee knowe not howe 
farre. This lande is very high and mountainous, having 
before it, on the West side, a mightie companie of Isles 
full of fayre soundes and harboroughs. This land was 
very little troubled with snowe, and the sea altogether 
voyd of yco. 

The shippes being within the soundes, we sent our boates 
to searche for shole water, where wee might anker, which 
in this place is very harde to finde : and as the boate went 
sounding and searching, the people of the country having 
espyed them, came in their Canoas towardes them with many 
shoutes and cryes : but after they had espied in the boate, 
some of our companie that were the yeere before heere 
with us, they presently rowed to the boate, and tooke holde 
in the oare, and hung about the boate with such comfortable 
joy as woulde require a long discourse to be uttered : they 
came with the boates to our shippes, making signes that 
they knewe all those that the yere before had bene with 
them. After I perceived their joy, and smal feare of us, 
my selfe with the merchaunts, and others of the company 
went a shoare, bearing with me twentie knives : I had no 
sooner landed, but they lept out of their Canoas, and came 
running to mee and the rest, and imbraced us with many 
signes of hartie welcome: at this present there were eighteene 
of them, and to each of them I gave a knife : they offered 
skinnes to mee for rewarde, but I made signes that it was 


not solde, but given them of curtesie: and so dismissed *''®^®^^" 
them for that time, with signes that they shoalde retame 
againe after certaine houres. 

The next day, with all possible speede, the Pynace was 
landed upon an Isle there to bee finished^ to serve our pur- 
pose for the discoverie, which Isle was so convenient for 
that purpose, as that we were very well able to defend our 
selves against many enemies. During the time that the 
Pynace was there setting up, the people came continually 
unto us, sometime an hundred Canoas at a time, sometime 
fourtie, fiftie, more and lesse, as occasion served. They 
brought with them seale skinnes, stagge skinnes, white 
hares, seale fishe, samon peale, smal codde, dry caplin, 
with other fish, and byrdes, such as the country did 

My selfe, still desirous to have a farther search of this 
place, sent one of the shipboates to one part of the land, 
and my selfe went to another parte, to searche for the habit- 
ation of this people, with straight commaundement that 
there should be no injurie offered to any of the people, 
neither any gunne shot. 

The boates that went from me found the tents of the 
people made with seale skinnes, set up upon timber, wherin 
they founde great store of dried Caplin, being a litle fish 
no bigger then a pilchard : they found bags of trayne oyle, 
many little images cut in wood, seale skinnes in tan tubs, 
with many other such trifles, whereof they diminished no- 

They also found, tenne miles within the snowy mountaines, 
a plaine champion countrey, with earth and grasse, such 
as our moory and waste grounds of England are: they went 
up into a river (which in the narrowest place is two leagues htm?*'^ 
broad^ about ten leagues, finding it still to continue they 
knew not how far : but I, with my company, tooke another 
river, which although at the first it offered a large inlet, 



inYoYAom jQ^ it prooved but a deepe bay, the end whereof in foare 
hoares I attayned, and there leaving the boat well manned, 
went with the rest of my company three or foure miles 
into the country, but found nothing, nor saw anything, 
save onely gripes,^ ravens, and small birds, as larke and 

The third of July I manned my boat, and went, with 
fifty canoas attending upon me, up into another sound » 
where the people by signes willed me to goe, hoping to 
finde theyr habitation : at length they made signes that I 
should go into a warme place to sleepe, at which place I 
went on shore, and ascended the toppe of an high hill to 
see into the country, but perceiving my labor vaine, I 
returned againe to my boat, the people still following me 
and my company, very diligent to attend us, and to helpe 
us up the rocks, and likewise downe : at length I was 
desirous to have our men leape with them, which was done, 
but our men did overleape them : from leaping they went 
to wrestling; we found them strong and nimble, and to 
have skill in wrestling, for they cast some of our men that 
were good wrestlers. 

The fourth of July we lanched our pinnesse, and had forty 

of the people to helpe us, which they did very willingly : 

at this time our men againe wrestled with them, and found 

them as before, strong and skilfull. This fourth of July 

the Maister of the Mermaid went to certaine Islands to 

AgrtLve store himsclfo with wood, where he found a grave with 

oroMe layd divcrs buncd in it, onely covered with scale skinnes, having 

The Tartars a crosso laid ovcr them. The people are of good stature, 

and people , _ , 

of jMom well in body proportioned, with small slender hands and 

■mau eyed, feet, with broad visages, and small eyes, wide mouthes, the 

most part unbearded, great lips, and close toothed. Theyr 

custome is as often as they go from us, still at their returne 

1 The Ger Falcon. The oame Gripe was an old English term ap- 
plied to the eagle, or vulture, from the Greek word Tpvwds^ signifying 
a crooked noee or beak. 


to make a new truce, in this sort, holding his hand op to *»°votaoi 
the Sunne, with a lowd voice cryeth Ylyaoute, and striketh 
his brest, with like signes being promised safetie, he giveth 
credit. These people are much given to bleed, and there- 
fore stoppe theyr noses with deere hayre, or the hayre of an 
elan. They are idolaters^ and have images great store, 
which they were about them, and in theyr boats, which we 
suppose they worship. They are witches, and have many 
kindes of inchantments, which they often used, but to small 
purpose, thanks be to God. 

Being among them at shore the fourth of July, one of 
them making a long oration, beganne to kindle a fire in 
this manor: he tooke a piece of a boord, wherin was a 
hole halfo thorow : into that hole he puts the end of a roud 
sticke like unto a bedstaffe, wetting the end therof in traine, 
and in fashion of a turner, with a piece of lether, by his 
violent motion doth very speedily produce fire : which done, Theyr 
with turfs he made a fire, into which, with many words and £j ^k^^to 
strange gestures, he put divers things, which we supposed ^ISoS. 
to be a sacrifice : my selfe and divers of my company stand- 
ing by, they were desirous to have me go into the smoke, 
I willed them likewise to stand in the smoke, in which they 
by no meanes would do. I then tooke one of them, and 
thrust him into the smoke, and willed one of my com- 
pany to tread out the fire, and to spume it into the sea, 
which was done to shew them that we did contemne theyr 

These people are very simple in all theyr conversation 
but marvellous theevish, especially for iron, which they have 
in great accout. They began through our lenity to shew 
theyr vile nature : they began to cut our cables : they cut Q™** 
away the Moonlights boat from her steme, they cut our 
cloth where it lay to ayre, though we did carefully looke 
unto it, they stole our oares, a caliver, a boare speare, a 
sword, with divers other things, wherat the company and 



snToTiei maisters being griered, for our better security, desired me 
to dissolve this new friendship, and to leave the company of 
these theevish miscreants : wherupon there was a caliver^ 
shot among them, and immediatly upon the same a faulcon,' 
which strange noice did sore amaze them, so that with speed 
they departed : notwithstanding theyr simplicity is such, 
that within ten houres after they came againe to us to in- 
treat peace : which being promised, we againe fell into a 
great league. They brought us seale skinnes, and sammon 
peale, but seeing iron, they could in no wise forbeare steal- 
ing : which when I perceived it did but minister unto me an 
occasion of laughter, to see theyr simplicity, and willed that 
in no case they should be any more hardly used, but that 
our owne company should be the more vigilant to keepe 
theyr thinges, supposing it to be very hard in so short time 

T^ir rude ^q make them know theyr evils. They eat all theyr meat 
raw, they live most upon fish, they drinke salt water, and 
eat grasse and ice with delight : they are never out of the 
water, but live in the nature of fishes, but onely when dead 
sleepe taketh them, and then under a warme rocke, laying 
his boat upon the land, he lyeth downe to sleepe. 

Theyr ThevT wcapous are all darts, but some of them have bowe 


and arrowes and slings. 

Strange They make nets to take their fish, of the finno of a 

whale : they do all theyr things very artificially : and it should 
seeme that these simple theevish Islanders have warre with 
those of the maine, for many of them are sore wounded, 
which wounds they received upon the maine land, as by 
signes they gave us to understand. We had among them 

Copper copper oare, blacke copper, and red copper : they pronouce 
theyr language very hollow, and deepe in the throat : these 
words following we learned from them. 

1 A caliyer was a small handgun or arquebnss. 
* A piece of ordnance about 7 feet long, throwing a ball of about 3 
lbs. weight, was called a falcon. 




Kesinyoh,! Eat some. 
Madlycoyte, Mugike. 
Aginyoh,* Go fetch. 
Yliaoute, I meane do harm. 
Ponaraeg,* A boat. 
Paaotyck/ An oare. 
Asanock,^ A dart. 
Sawygraeg,* A knife. 
Uderah, A nose. 
Aoh, Iron. 
Blete, An eye. 
Unuicke, Give it. 
Tuckloak/ A stagge or ellan. 
Fanygmah, A needle. 
Aob, The sea. 
Mysacoah,^ Wash it. 
Lethicksaneg, A seale skinne. 
Canyglow,® Kisse me. 
Ugnera/® My sonne. 
Acu, Shot. 

Conah, Leape. 
JMaatuke," Fish. 
Sambah," Below. 
Maconmeg,** Will you haye this. 
Cocah,*« Go to him. 
Aba," Fallen downe. 
Icune," Come hither. 
Awennye, Yonder. 
Nugo," No. 
Tucktodo, A fogge. 
Lechiksah, A skinne. 
IMaccoah," A dart. 
Sugnacoon, A coat. 
Gounah, Come downe. 
Sasobneg, A bracelet. 
Ugnake, A tongue. 
Ataneg,^^ A seale. 
Macuah, A beard. 
Fignagogahf A threed. 
Quoy sah,*° Give it to me. 


Theyr Ian- 

Note. — Dr. Rink, the Director of Royal Greenland Trade at Copen- 
hagen, and formerly Royal Inspector of South Greenland, has very 
kindly examined these Eskimo terms, and compared them with those 
now in use amongst the Greenlanders, with the following result. 

Nerisinait, Only eat. 
Aiguk, or ainiaruk, Fetch it. 
Umiamik, (by) Boat. 
Pautik, or pautit, A kayak 

Agssangnik, By hand. 
Savingmik, (with) Iron ; or a 

Tugto, A reindeer. 
I^lisuguk, Dip it. 
Kuninga, Kiss me. 

^0 Emera, My son. 

" Matak, Whale skin. 

" Sama, Below, or seaward. 

" Mkkuniuga, Some of these. 

'* ElLk&, Go on. 

«» At(l, Below it. 

»• Ikunga, Thither. 

" Nagga, No. 

18 M^ua, These. 

^^ AtAnik, (by) Saddleback seals. 

*o K^ssuk, Give it. 

It will be seen that many of these words have a great similarity, both 
in sound and sense, to those of the present day. The collection of them 
reflects great credit on the accuracy and perspicacity of Davis ; for the 
difficulty of obtaining and writing down the words and phrases of an 
unknown tongue is very great, more especially after such a short inter- 
course with the natives a8 Davis had, both parties being totally ignorant 
of each other^s language. 


SHoYoTioi The seventh of July, being very desirous to search the 
habitation of this countrey, I went my selfe with our new 
pinnesse into the body of the land, thinking it to be a firme 
continent, and passing up a very large river, a great flaw 
of winde tooke me, whereby we were constrained to seeke 
succor for that night, which being had, I landed with the 
most part of my company, and went to the toppe of a high 
mountaine, hoping from thence to see into the countrey : 
but the mountaines were so many and so mighty as that my 
purpose prevailed not : whereupon I again returned to my 
pinnesse, and wiUing divers of my company to gather 

Mnsoies. musclcs for my supper, whereof in this place there was great 
store, my selfe having espyed a very strange sight, especially 
to me that never before saw the like, which was a mighty 

w^^^ whirlewinde taking up the water in very great quantity 

^^*^'- furiously mounting it into the ayre, which whirlewinde was 
not for a pufFe or blast, but continuall, for the space of three 
houres, with very little intermission, which sith it was in the 
course that I should passe, we were constrained that night 
to take up our lodging under the rocks. 

The next morning the storme being broken up, we went 
forward in our attempt, and sailed into a mighty great river 
directly into the body of the land, and in briefe, found it to 

Great la- be no firmo land, but huge, waste, and desert Isles with mighty 
sounds, and inlets passing betweene sea and sea. Where- 
upon we returned towards our shippes, and landing to stoppe 
a floud,* we found the buriall of these miscreants, we found 
of theyr fish in bagges, plaices, and caplin dryed, of which 
we tooke onely one bagge, and departed. The ninth of this 
moneth we came to our shippes, where we found the people 
desirous in theyr fashion, of friendshippe and barter : our 
mariners complained heavily against the people, and said 
that my lenity and friendly using of them gave them stom- 

^ The flood tide being against them, they landed until slack water or 
the ebb tide should make. 


acke to mischiefe : for they have stoUen an anker from us, ^^^^^^^* 
they have cut our cable very dangerously, they have cut our 
boats from our sterne, and now since your departure, with 
slings they spare us not with stones of halfe a pound weight : siings. 
and will you still indure these injuries : it is a shame to 
beare them. I desired them to be content, and said I 
doubted not but all should be well. The tenth of this moneth 
I went to the shore, the people following me in theyr canoas: 
I tolled them on shore, and used them with much curtesie, 
and then departed aboord, they following me, and my com- 
pany. I gave some of them bracelets, and caused seven or 
eight of them to come aboord, which they did willingly, and 
some of them went into the toppe of our shippe : and thus 
curteously using them, I let them depart : the Sunne was no 
sooner downe, but they began to practise theyr devilish 
nature, and with slings threw stones very fiercely into the 
Moonelight, and strake one of her men, the boatswaine that 
he overthrew withall : wherat being moved, I changed my 
curtesie, and grew to hatred, my selfe in my owne boat well 
manned, with shot, and the barks boat likewise pursued 
them, and gave them divers shot, but to small purpose, by 
reason of theyr swift rowing : so small content we returned 
The 1 1 of this moneth there came five of them to make a 
new truce : the maister of the Admiral came to me to shew 
me of theyr comming, and desired to have them taken, and 
kept as prisoners untill we had his anker againe : but when 
he saw that the chiefe ringleader, and maister of mischiefe, 
was one of the five, he then was vehement to execute his 
purpose, so it was determined to take him : he came, crying, 
Iliaout, and striking his brest, ofiered a payre of gloves to 
sell; the maister ofiered him a knife for them : so two of them 
came to us, the one was not touched, but the other was 
soone captive among us : then we pointed to him and his 
fellowes for our anker, which being had, we made signes 
that he should be set at liberty : within one houre that he 


skd voTAQi came aboord, the winde came fayre, whereupon we weyed. 
One of the and Set saile^ and so bronght the fellow with ns : one of his 
»ken, fellowes still following our ship close aboord, talked with 

which after . 

^^^' him^ and made a kinde of lamentation, we still using him 

well, with Tliaout, which was the common course of cur- 
tesie. At length this fellow aboord us spake foure or five 
words unto the other, and claped his two hands upon his 
face, whereupon the other doing the like, departed, as we 
suppose, with heavy chere. We judged the covering of his 
face with his hands, and bowing of his body downe, signi- 
fied his death. At length he became a pleasant companion 
amoDg us. I gave him a new sute of frize after the English 
fashion, because I saw he could not indure the colde, of 
which he was very joyfull; he trimmed up his darts, and 
all his fishing tooles, and would make okam, and set his 
hand to a ropes end upon occasion. He lived with the 
dry caplin that I tooke when I was searching in the pin- 
nesse, and did eat dry Newland fish. 

All this while, God be thanked, our people were in very 
good health, onely one young man excepted, who dyed at 
sea the foure teen th of this moneth ; and the fifteenth, accord- 
ing to the order of the sea, with praise given to God by 
service, was cast overboord. 

The 17 of this moneth, being in the latitude of 63 de- 
grees 8 minuts, we fel upon a most mighty and strange 
quantity of ice, in one intyre masse, so bigge as that we 
knew not the limits thereof, and being withall so very high, 
in forme of a land, with bayes and capes, and like high 
clifie land, as that we supposed it to be land, and therefore 
sent our pinnesse off to discover it : but at her retume we 
were certainely informed that it was onely ice, which bred 
great admiration to us all, considering the huge quantity 
thereof, incredible to be reported in truth as it was, and 
therefore I omit to speake any further therof. This onely. 


I thinke that the like before was never seene, and in this 2»i)Votao« 
place we had very stickle and strong currants. 

We coasted this mighty masse of ice untill the 30 of 
July, finding it a mighty barre to our purpose : the ayre in 
this time was so contagious, and the sea so pestered with 
ice, as that all hope was banished of proceeding : for the 
24 of July all our shrowds, ropes, and sailes were so frozen, 
and compassed with ice, onely by a grosse fogge, as seemed J??©^^^? 
to me more then strange, sith the last yeere I found this 
sea free and navigable, without impediments. 

Our men through this extremity began to grow sicke and 
feeble, and withal hopelesse of good successe: wherupon 
very orderly with good discretion, they intreated me to re- 
gard the state of this businesse, and withall advised me, 
that in conscience I ought to regard the safety of mine 
owne life, with the preservation of theyrs, and that I should 
not through my over boldnesse leave their widowes and 
fatherlesse children to give me bitter cursses. This matter, 
in conscience, did greatly move me to regard theyr estates : 
yet, considering the excellency of the businesse, if it might 
be attained, the great hope of certainty by the last yeres 
discovery, and that there was yet a third way not put in 
practise, I thought it would grow to my great disgrace, if 
this action by my negligence should grow into discredit : 
wherupon, seeking helpe from God, the fountaine of all 
mercies, it pleased his divine Majesty to moove my heart to 
prosecute that which I hope shal be to his glory, and to 
the contentation of every Christian minde. Wherupon, 
falling into consideration, that the Mermaid, albeit a very 
strong and sufficient ship, yet by reason of her burden, not 
so convenient and nimble as a smaller barke, especially in 
such desperate hazzards : further having in account her 
great charge to the adventurers, being at 100 li. the moneth : 
and that in doubtfull service, all the premises considered, 
with divers other things, I determined to furnish the Moone- 


an>voTAOB li^fit with revictualling and suflScient men, and to proceed 
in this action as God should direct me: wherupon^ I altered 
our coarse from the ice, and bare East southeast to recover 
the next shore, where this thing might be performed : so 
with favorable winde it pleased God that the first of August 
we discovered the land in latitude 66 deg. 33 min., and in 

Aoguflti. longitude from the meridian of London 70 deg., void of 
trouble, without snow or ice.^ 

The second of August, we harboured our selves in a very 
excellent good road, where, with all speed, we graved the 
Moonelight, and revictualled her : we searched this country 
with our pinnesse while the barke was trimming, which 
William Eston did : he foud all this land to be only islands 
with a sea on the East, a sea on the West, and a sea on the 

Gnat heat. North. In this place we found it very hot, and we were very 
much troubled with a flie which is called Musketa, for they 
did sting grievously. The people of this place, at our first 
comming in caught a seale, and with bladders fast tied 
to him, sent him unto us with the flond,^ so as he came 
right with our shippes, which we tooko as a friendly 
present from them. 

The fift of August I went with the two maisters and 
others to the toppe of a hill, and by the way William Eston 
espied three Canoas lying under a rocke, and went unto 
them : there were in them skinnes, darts, with divers super- 
stitious toyes, whereof we diminished nothing, but left upon 
every boat a silke point, a bullet of load, and a pinne. The 
next day being the sixt of August, the people came unto us 
without feare, and did barter with us for skinnes, as the 
other people did : they difier not from the other, neither in 
theyr canoas nor apparell, yet is theyr pronuntiation more 
plaine then the others, and nothing hollow in the throat. 

1 The land here discovered must have been in the immediate yicinitj 
of Old Sukkertoppen. « The flood tide. 


Our miscreant aboord us kept himselfe close, and made g'">'^o^^Q» 
shew that he would faine have another companion. Thus, 
being provided, I departed from this land the twelft of 
August, at sixe of the clocke in the morning, where I left 
the Mermaid at an anker : the foureteenth, sailing West about 
fiftie leagues, we discovered land, being in latitude 66 de- 
grees 19 minuts '} this land is 70 leagues from the other, 
from whence we came. This foureteenth day, from nine a 
clocke at night till three a clocke in the morning, we 
ankered by an Island of ice, twelve leagues off the shore, 
being mored to the ice. 

The fifteenth day, at three a clocke in the morning, we 
departed from this land to the South, and the eighteenth of 
August we discovered land Northwest from us in the morn- 
ing, being a very fayre promontqry, in latitude 65 degrees, 
having no land on the South.^ Heere we had great hope of ofT^i2!^ 
a through passage. *^' 

This day, at three a clocke in the afbernoone, we againe 
discovered land Southwest and by South from us, where at 
night we were becalmed.^ The nineteenth of this moneth, 
at noone, by observation, we were in 64 degrees 20 minuts. 
From the eighteenth day, at noone, unto the nineteenth at 
noone, by precise ordinary care, we had sailed 15 leagues 
South and by West, yet by art and more exact observation, 
we found our course to be Southwest, so that we plainely 
perceived a great currant striking to the West. ^5uo ^" 

This land is nothing in sight but Isles, which increaseth ^®^' 
our hope. This nineteenth of August, at sixe a clocke in 
the afbernoone, it began to snow, and so continued all night, 
with foule weather, and much winde, so that we were con- 

^ Probably Cape Walsingham, or the land south of that Cape. 

« The Cape of God's Mercy. 

* The Mermaid on this day would have been at the entrance to Cum- 
berland Gulf, which had been explored by Davis during his voyage the 
preceding year. 




Hope of a 

ifdVotam strained to lie at hull^ all night five leagues off the shore : 
In the morning, being the twentith of August, the fogge 
and storme breaking up^ we bare in with the land, and at 
nine a clocke in the morning we ankered in a very fayre 
and safe road and locket for all weathers. At tenne of the 
clocke I went on shore, to the toppe of a very high hill, 
where I perceived that this land was Islands :^ at foure of 
the clocke in the aftemoone we weyed anker, having a 
fayre North northeast winde, with very fayre weather : at 
six of the clocke we were cleere without the land, and so 
shaped our course to the South to discover the coast, 
wherby the passage may be, through Gods mercy, found. 

We coasted this land till the eight and twentith of 
August, finding it still to continue towards the South, from 
the latitude of 67 to 57 degrees: we found marvellous 
great store of birds, guls and mewes, incredible to be re- 
ported j wherupon, being calrae weather, we lay one glasse' 
upon the lee, to prove for fish, in which space we caught 
100 of cod, although we were but badly provided for fishing, 
not being our purpose. 

This eight and twentith, having great distrust of the 
weather, we arrived in a very fayre harbor in the latitude 
of 56 degrees,^ and sailed ten leagues into the same, being 

* To ^* lie at hull", is a nautical expression synonymous with *^ lying- 
to**. A very small amount of canvas only is set, and the helm is lashed 
" hard-a-lee". 

" To hull" also signifies a ship, or boat, driving to and fro without 
rudder, sail, or oar. 

^^ He looked, and saw the Ark hull on the floud, 
Which now abated, for the clouds were fled, 
Driven by a keen north winde.** 

Paradise Lost, Book xi. 

' Davis appears here to have been, without knowing it, near the en- 
trance to Hudson Strait, and was probably on Resolution Island. 
' See note 1, page 4. 

* I am unable to reconcile this harbour with any now existing on 
our charts in the same latitude. 


two leagnes broad, with very fayre woods on both sides : in 8j">voy^o» 
this place we continued nntill the first of September, in Paira 


which time we had two very great stormes. I landed, and 
went sixe miles by ghesse into the country, and found that 
the woods were firre, pine, apple, alder, yew, withy, and birch: 
heere we saw a blacko beare : this place yeeldeth great store 
of birds, as fezant^ partridge^ Barbary hennes or the like^ 
wilde geese, ducks, blacke birds, jeyes, thrushes, with other 
kindes of small birds. Of the partridge and fezant, we 
killed great store with bowe and arrowes : in this place^ at 
the harborough mouth, we found great store of <;od. ood. 

The first of September, at tenne a clocke, wee set saile, 
and coasted the shore with very faire weather. The third 
day being calme, at noone we strooke saile, and let fall a 
cadge anker,^ to prove whether we could take any fish, being 
in latitude 54 degrees 30 minuts, in which place we found 
great abundance of cod, so that the hooke was no sooner 
overboord^ but presently a fish was taken. It was the 
largest and best refet fiah that ever I saw, and divers 
fisher men that were with me sayd that they never saw a 
more suaule or better skull of fish in theyr lives : yet had 
they scene great abundance. 

The fourth of September, at five a clocke in the after- 
noone, we ankered in a very good road among great store 
of Isles, the countrey low land, pleasant, and very full of 
fayre woods. To the North of this place eight leagues, we 
had a perfect hope of the passage, finding a mighty great hop«ofu»e 
sea passing betweene two lands West.^ The South land, to 
our judgement, being nothing but Isles, we greatly desired 
to go into this sea, but the winde was directly against us. 

■ The kedge is a small anchor, frequently used when it is undesirable 
to let go a heavier or a larger one. 

s Either Hamilton Inlet on the coast of Labrador, or the Strait of 
Belle Isle, separating Newfoundland from the main land. 


fcreVoTAoi yf-Q ankered in foure fathome fine sand. In this place is 
foule and fish, mighty store. 

The sixt of September, having a fayre North northwest 
winde, having trimed our barke, we purposed to depart, 
and sent five of our sailers, yoong men, a shore to an Island, 
to fetch certaine fish which we purposed to weather,^ and 
therefore left it all night covered upon the Isle : the brutish 
people of this countrey lay secretly lurking in the wood, and 
upon the sudden assaulted our men : which, when we per- 
ceived, we presently let slippe our cables upon the halse,* 
and under our foresaile, bare into the shoare, and with all 
expedition discharged a double musket upon them twise, 
at the noyce wherof they fled ; notwithstanding, to our very 
menSa^ great grief 0, two of our men were slaine with theyr arrowes, 
S^Jhsm. and two grievously wounded, of whom, at this present, we 
stand in very great doubt ; onely one escaped by swimming, 
with an airowe shot thorow his arme. These wicked mis- 
creants never ofiered parly or speech, but presently executed 
theyr cursed fury. 

This present evening it pleased God further to increase 
our sorrowes with a mighty tempestuous storme, the 
winde being NorMi northeast, which lasted unto the tenth 
of this moneth very extreme. We unrigged our shippe, 
and purposed to cut downe our masts, the cable of our 
shut anker^ brake, so that we onely expected to be driven 
on shoare among these Canibals for theyr pray. Yet, in 
this deepe distresse, the mighty mercy of God, when hope 
was past, gave us succor, and sent us a fayre lee, so as we 
recovered our anker againe, and new mored our shippe : 
where we saw that God manifestly delivered us: for the 
straines* of one of our cables were broken, we only road by 

■ To season or preserve. 

' From the hawse, or hawse-pipe. 

■ Sheet anchor. 

* The strands. Three or more strands laid up, or twisted together, 
form a cable. 


an olde janke.^ Thus, being freshly mored, a new storme *»»voyagi 
arose, the winde being West northwest, very forcible, which 
lasted unto the tenth day at night. 

The eleventh day, with a fayre West northwest winde, we 
departed, with trust in Gods mercy, shaping our course for 
England, and arrived in the West countrey in the beginning 
of October. 

^ Worn out, or condemned, ropo, is called ^^ junk**. 


2n)VoTAoi j£^ig^gg Davis being arrived, wrote his letter to M. Wil- 
liam Sanderson of London, concerning his voyage, as 

Sir, — ^Tho Sunneshine came into Dartmouth the fourth 
of this moneth : she hath beene at Island/ and from thence 
to Greenland^ and so to Estotiland/ from thenco to Desola- 
tion, and to our merchants, where she made trade with the 
people, staying in the countrey twenty dayes. They have 
brought home five hundred scale skinnes, and an hundred 
and forty halfe skinnes, and pieces of skinnes. I stand in 
great doubt of the pinnesse. God be mercifull unto the 
poore men, and preserve them, if it be his blessed will. 

I have now full experience of much of the Northwest part 
of the world, and have brought the passage to that cer- 
tainty, as that I am sure it must be in one of foure places, 
or els not at all. And further, I can assure you upon the 
perill of my life, that this voyage may be performed without 
further charge, nay, with certaine profit to the adventurers, 
if I may have but your favour in the action. Surely, it 
shall cost me all my hope of welfare, and my portion of 
Sandridge, but I will, by Gods mercy, see an end of these 
businesses. I hope I shall finde favour with yoiti to see 
your card.^ I pray God it be so true as the card shall be 
which I will bring to you : and I hope in God, that your 
skill in navigation shall be gainefull unto you, although, at 
the first, it hath not proved so. And thus, with my most 
humble commendations, I commit you to God, desiring no 
longer to live then I shall be yours most faithfully to com- 
mand. Exon this 14 of October, 1586. 

Yours, with my heart, body, and life, to command, 

John Davis. 

■ Iceland. ' Newfoundland. 

' Davis must here be alluding to a new chart, projected under the 
superintendence of Mr. Sanderson. 


The relation of the course which the Swishine, a barke of fiftie 

tunnes, and the Northstarre a small pinnesse, being two 

vessels of the fleet of M. John Davis, held after he had 

sent them from him, to discover the passage be- 

tweene Groenland and Island. 

Written by Henry Morgan, servant to M. William Sanderson of London. 

The seventh day of May 1586, we departed out of Dart- 2»i)VoTAai 
mouth haven, foure sailes, to wit, the Mermaid^ the Sun- May. 
shine, the Mooneshine^ and the Northstarre. In the Sun- 
shine were sixteene men, whose names were these : Richard 
Pope, maister ;^ Marke Carter, maisters mate ; Henry Mor- 
gan, purser ; George Draward, John Mandie, Hugh Broken, 
Philip Jane, Hugh Hempson, Richard Borden, John Filpe, 
Andrew Madocke,* William Wolcome, Robert Wagge (car- 
penter), John Bruskome, William Ashe, Simon Ellis. 

Our course was West northwest, the seventh and eight 
dayes : and the ninth day in the morning we were on head 
of the Tarrose of Syllie. Thus coasting along the South 
part of Ireland the 11 day, we were on head of the Dorses :* 
and our course was South southwest untill six of the clocke 
the 12 day. The 13 day our course was Northwest. We 
remained in the company of the Mermaid and the Moone- 
shine, untill we came to the latitude of 60 degrees: and 
there it seemed best to our Generall, M. Davis, to divide m. Dayu 
his fleet, himselfe sailing to the Northwest and to direct the 2%^ ^^^ 
Sunshine, wherein I was, and the pinnesse called the North- 

^ Richard Pope served as master^s mate on board the Sunshine in 
Davis^s first voyage to the North-west. 

' Andrew Madocke also served as a seaman in the Sunshine in 1585. 

■ Dursey Island, on the S.W. coast of Ireland, is 3 J miles in length 
and 815 feet high; it terminates the rugged promontory separating 
Bantry Bay from the Kenmare River. OfiF this island are situated the 
bold and precipitous rocks named the Bull, Cow, and Calf. 










¥. John 
Boyden of 

star, to seeke a passage Northward betweene Groenland 
and Island,^ to the latitude of 80 degrees, if land did not let 
us. So the seventh day of June we departed from them : 
and the ninth of the same we came to a firme land of ice, 
which we coasted along the ninth^ the tenths and the 
eleventh dayes of June : and the eleventh day, at six of the 
clocke at night, we saw land, which was very high, which 
afterward we knew to be Island : and the twelft day we 
harbored there, and found many people : the land lyeth 
East and by North in 66 degrees. 

Theyr commodities were greene fish, and Island lings, 
and stockfish, and a fish which is called catefish : of all 
which they had great store. They had also kine, sheepe, 
and horses, and hay for theyr cattell and for theyr horses. 
We saw also of theyr dogges. Theyr dwelling houses were 
made on both sides with stones, and wood laid crosse over 
them, which was covered over with turfs of earth, and they 
are flat on the toppes, and many of these stood hard by the 
shoare. Theyr boats were made with wood, and iron all 
along the keele like our English boats : and they had nailes 
for to naile them withall, and fish hooks, and other things 
for to ketch fish, as we have heere in England. 

They had also brasen kettles, and girdles and purses 
made of leather, and knoppes on them of copper, and 
hatchets, and other small tooles, as necessarie as we have. 
They dry theyr fish in the Sun, and when they are dry, 
they packe them up in the toppe of their houses. If we 
would go thither to fishing more then we do, we should 
make it a very good voyage: for we got an hundreth 
greene fish in one morning. We found heere two English 
men with a shippe, which came out of England about Easter 
day of this present yeere 1586, and one of them came 
aboord of us, and brought us two lambs. The English 
mans name was M. John Royden of Ipswich, merchant : he 

^ Iceland. 


was bound for London with his shippe. And this is the *"" ^**^^*" 
samme of that which I observed in Island. 

We departed from Island the sixteenth day of June inTheyrte- 

f '' parted frd 

the morning, and our course was Northwest, and saw on i«ian«i 
the coast two small barkes going to an harborough: we 
went not to them, but saw them a farre off. Thus we con- 
tinned our course unto the end of this moneth. 

The third day of July we were in betweene two firme July. 
lands of ise, and passed in betweene them all that day untill 
it was night: and then the maister turned backe againe, 
and so away we went towards Greenland. And the seventh 
day of July we did see Greenland, and it was very high, ^^^|^^ 
and it looked very blew : we could not come to harborough 
into the land because we were hindered by a firme land, as 
it were, of ice, which was along the shoares side : but we 
were within three leagues of the land, coasting the same 
divers dayes together. The seventeenth day of July we 
saw the place which our captaine, M. John Davis, the yeere 
before had named The land of Desolation,^ where we could D^JJStJS! 
not go on shoare for ice. The eighteenth day we were like- 
wise troubled with ice, and went in amongst it at three of 
the clocke in the morning. After we had cleered our selves 
thereof, we ranged all along the coast of Desolation untill 
the end of the aforesayd moneth. 

The third day of August we came in sight of Gilberts Aagost. 
sound, in the latitude of 64 deg. 15 min., which was the 
place where we were appointed to meete our generall and 
the rest of our Fleete. Here we came to an harborow at 6 
of the clocke at night. 

The 4 day, in the morning, the master went on shore 
with 10 of his men, and they brought us foure of the people, 
rowing in their boates, aboord of the ship. And in the 
aftemoone I went on shore with six of our men, and there 

^ The land in the neighbourhood of Cape Discord, on the East Coast 
of Greenland. 



svdVotaoi came to us seven of them when we were on land. We found 
on shore three dead people, and two of them had their 
staves lying by them, and their olde skins wrapped about 
them, and the other had nothing lying by, wherfore we 
thought it was a woman. Wee also sawe their houses neere 
the Sea sidoj which were made with pieces of wood on both 
sides, and crossed over with poles and then covered over 
with earth : we found Foxes running upon the hils : as for 
the place, it is broken land all the way that we went, and 
full of broken Islands. 

The 21 of August, the master sent the boate on shore for 
wood, with sixe of his men, and there wera one and thirtie 
of the people of the countrey which went on shore to them, 
and they went about to kill them, as we thought, for they 
shot their dartes towards them, and we that were aboord 
the ship, did see them goe on shore to our men : whereupon 
the master sent the pinnace after them, and when they saw 
the pinnace comming towards them, they turned backe, and 
the master of the pinnace did shoote off a caliver^ to them 
the same time, but hurt none of them, for his meaning was 
onely to put them in feare. Divers times they did weave 
SSy'2?' us on shore to play with them at the foot-ball, and some 
^httit^ of our company went on shore to play with them, and our 
^^**"* men did cast them downe as soone as they did come to 
strike the ball. And thus much of that which we did see 
and do in that harborow where we arrived first. 

The 23 day we departed from the merchaunts, where we 
had bene first, and our course from thence was South and 
by West, and the wind was Northeast, and we ran that day 
and night about 5 or 6 leagues, untill we came to another 

The 24, about eleven of the clocke in the forenoone, wee 
entered into the aforesayd new harborow, and as we came 
in, we did see dogs running upon the Islands. When wee 
were come in, there came to us foure of the people which 

* See note 1, page 20. 



were with us before in the other harborow, and where we g^pVo^^^* 
rode, we had sandie ground. We saw no wood growing, 
but found small pieces of wood upon the Islands, and some 
small pieces of sweete woode among the same. We found ^"JJ^^m^^L 
great Harts homes, but could see none of the Stagges 
where we went, but we found their footings. As for the 
bones which we received of the Savages, I cannot tell of 
what beasts they be. 

The stones that we found in the countrey were blacke and 
some white, as I think they bee of no value ; neverthelesse, 
I have brought examples of them to you. 

The 30 of August we departed from this harborow to- 
wards England, and the wind tooke us contrary, so that we 
were faine to goe to another harborow the same day at 11 
of the clocke. And there came to us 39 of the people, and 
brought us 13 Seale skins, and after we received these 
skinnes of them, the master sent the carpenter to change 
one of our boates which we had bought of them before, and 
they would have taken the boate from him perforce, and 
when they sawe they could not take it from us, they shot 
with their dartes at us, and stroke one of our men with one 
of their dartes, and John Filpe shot one of them into the 
brest with an arrow. And they came to us againe, and 
foure of our men went into the shipboate, and they shot 
with their dartes at our men: but our men tooke one of^^^^^™^ 

between the 

their people in his boate into the shipboate, and he hurt one ^5"^ 
of them with his knife, but we killed three of them in their ™®^' 
boates : two of them were hurt with arrowes in the brests, 
and he that was aboord our boat was shot in with an arrow, 
and hurt with a sword, and beaten with staves, whom our 
men cast over boorde, but the people caught him and caried 
him on shore upon their boats, and the other two also, and 
so departed from us. And three of them went on shore 
hard by us, where they had their dogs, and those three 
came away from their dogs, and presently one of their dogs 



iraToTAAi eame swimming towards us hard aboord the ship, where- 
upon our master caused the Gunner to shoote off one of the 
great pieces towards the people^ and so the dog turned 
backe to laud^ and within an houre after there came of the 
people hard aboord the ship^ but they would not come to 
us as they did come before. 

The 31 of August we departed from Gilberts sound for 
England, and when we came out of the harborow^ there 
came after us 17 of the people looking which way we went. 

September. The 2 of September we lost sight of the land at 12 of 
the clocke at noone. 

The third day, at night, we lost sight of the Northstarre, 

The pin- our piunacc, in a very great storme, and lay a hull,^ tarying 

returned for them the 4 day, but could heare no more of them. 

home. *' ' 

Thus we shaped our course the 5 day South southeast, 
and sayling untill the 27 of the sayd moneth we came in 
sight of Cape Clere in Ireland. 

The 30 day we entred into our owne chanelL 

The 2 of October we had sight of the Isle of Wight. 

The 3 we coasted all along the shore, and the 4 and 5. 

The 6 of the sayd moneth of October we came into the 
river of Thames as high as Katcliffe in safetie, God be 

^ See note 1, page 28. 


The third voyage Northwestward, mcode by John 

Davis, Gentleman, as chiefe Captaine and Pilot generall, for 

the discoverie of a passage to the Isles of the Molucca, 

or the coast of China, in the yeere 1587. 

Written by John Janes, servant to the aforesayd M. William 



The 19 of this present moneth, aboat midnight, we weighed ^^^ votaoi 
our ankers, set saile, and departed from Dartmouth with 
two barkes and a Clincher,^ the one named the Elizabeth 
of Dartmouth, the other the Sunneshine of London, and the 
Clincher, called the Ellin of London : thus, in Gods name, 
we set forwards with the wind at Northeast, a good fresh 
gale. About 3 bowers after our departure, the night being 
somewhat thicke with darknesse, we had lost the pinnace, 
the captaine imagining that the men had runne away with 
her, willed the master of the Sunneshine to stand to Sea- 
wards, and see if we could descrie them, we bearing in with 
the shore for Plimmouth. At length we descried her, 
bare with her, and demanded what the cause was : They 
answered, that the tiller of their helme was burst. So, 
shaping our course West southwest, we went forward, 
hoping that a hard beginning would make a good ending, 
yet some of us were doubtfuU of it, falling in reckoning 
that she was a Clincher; neverthelesse, we put our trust 
in God. 

The 21 we met with the Red Lion of London, which came 
from the coast of Spaine, which was afraid that we had 

I A ship or boat is said to be clincher built, when the outside planks 
lap one over the other. The sides of a boat so constructed do not present 
the same smooth surface as those of a carvel, or diagonal, built boat. 


ami) VoTAoi bene men of warre, but we hailed them, and after a little 
conference we desired the master to carie our letters for 
London, directed to my unckle Sanderson, who promised us 
safe deliverie. And after we had heaved them a lead and a 
line, whereunto wee had made fast our letters, before they 
could get them into the ship, they fell into the sea, and so 
all our labour and theirs also was lost, notwithstanding they 
promised to certifie our departure at London, and so we 
departed, and the same day we had sight of Sillie. The 
22 the wind was at Northeast by East, with faire weather, 
and so the 23 and the 24 the like. The 25 we laied our 
shippes on the Lee^ for the Sunneshine, who was a rommag- 
ing for a leake, they had 500 strokes at the pumpe in a 
watch, the wind at Northwest. 

The 26 and 27 we had faire weather, but this 27 the 
pinnaces foremaste was blowen over-boord. The 28 the 
Elizabeth towed the pinnace, which was so much bragged of 
by the owners report before we came out of England, but 
at Sea she was like to a cart drawen with oxen. Sometimes 
we towed her, because she could not saile for scant wind. 

The 31 day our captaine asked if the pinnace were stanch. 
Peerson answered that she was as sound and as stanch as a 
cuppe. This made us something glad, when we sawe she 
would brooke the Sea, and was not leake. 

The first 6 dayes we had faire weather : after that, 
for 5 dayes we had fogge and rayne, the wind beyng South. 
The 12, we had cleare weather. The Mariners in the 
Stmneshine and the master could not agree : the mariners 
would goe on their voyage a fishing, because the yeere 
began to waste : the master would not depart till hee had 
the com panic of the Elizabeth, whereupon the master told 
our captaine that he was afrayd his men would shape some 
contrarie course while he was a sleep, and so he should 

> The same as to *^ heave-to". 


loose US. At length, after mucli talke and many threat- ^*^ voyam 
nings^ they were content to bring us to the land, which we 
looked for daily. 

The 13 we had fogge and raine. 

The 14 day we discovered land at five of the clocke in 
the morning, being very great and high moantaines, the 
tops of the hils being covered with snow. Here the wind 
was variable, sometimes Northeast, East Northeast, and 
East by North : bat wee imagined ourselves to be 16 or 17 
leagues off from the shore. 

The 15 we had reasonable cleare weather. 

The 16 we came to an anker about 4 or 5 of the clocke 
after noone, the people came presently to us, after the old 
manor, with crying, II y a oute, and shewing us Scale 
skinnes. The 17 we began to set up the pinnace that 
Peerson framed at Dartmouth, with the boords which hee 
brought from London. 

The 18, Peerson and the Carpenters of the ships, began 
to set on the plankes. The 19, as we went about an Island, 
were found blacke Pummise stones, and salt kerned on the 
rockes very white and glistering. This day, also, the 
master of the Sunneshine tooke one of the people, a very 
strong lustie yong fellow. 

The 20, about two of the clocke in the morning, the 
Savages came to the Island where our pinnace was built 
readie to bee launched, and tore the two upper strakes, and 
caned them away onely for the love of the iron in the 
boords. While they were about this practise wee manned 
the Elizabeth's boate to goe a shore to them : our men 
being either afrayd, or amazed, were so long before they 
came to shore, that our captaine willed them to staie, and 
made the Gunner give fire to a Saker/ and laied the piece 

1 A saker was a piece of artUlexy from eight to ten feet in leDgth, 
throwing shot varying from 4 to 7 lbs. weight. Although some author- 
ities assert that its name was derived from the French oath sacrtj there 
can be little doubt but that it was really called, like the falcon and 



Sid ToTAai levell with the boate which the Savages had turned on the 
one side^ because we should not hurt them with our arrowes, 
and made the boate their bulwarke against the arrowes 
which wee shot at them. Our Gunner having made all 
things readie^ g&^e fire to the peece^ and fearing to hurt any 
of the people, and regarding the owner^s profite^ thought 
belike hee would save a Saker's shot, doubting we should 
have occasion to fight with men of warre^ and so shot off the 
Saker without a bullet, we looking still when the Savages 
that were hurt should run away without legs, at length wee 
could perceive never a man hurt, but all having their legges 
could carie away their bodies : we had no sooner shot off 
the piece, but the master of the Sunneshine manned his 
boate, and came rowing towards the Island, the very sight 
of whom made each of them take that he had gotten, and 
fiie away as fast as they could to another Island about two 
miles off, where they tooke the nayles out of the timber, 
and lefb the wood on the Isle. When we came on shore 
and saw how they had spoiled the boate, after much debating 
of the matter, we agreed that the Elizabeth should have 
her to fish withall : whereupon she was presently caried 
aboord and stowed. 

Now after this trouble, being resolved to depart with the 
first wind, there fell out another matter worse then all the 
rest, and that was in this maner. John Churchyard, one 
whom our captaine had appointed as Pilot in the pinnace, 
came to our Captaine and master Bruton,^ and told them 

other ordnance in use at that period, after a bird. In falconry the saker 
was a hawk, appropriated to the use of knights, as was a falcon to a 
duke, a gerfalcon to a king, a peregrine to an earl, and a merlin to a lady. 
In Uudibras^ Fart i, Canto 2, are the following lines : — 

^^ Of warlike engines he was author, 
Devis'd for quick dispatch of slaughter : 
The cannon, blunderbuss, and saker^ 
He was th' inventor of, and maker.*' 

> William Bruton was captain of the Sunshine in Davis^s first expedi- 
tion to the North-west. 


that the good ship which we must all hazard our lives in, 8m> votam 
had three hundred strokes at one time as she rode in the 
harbour.^ This disquieted us all greatly, and many doubted 
to goe in her. At length our captaine, by whom we were 
all to be governed, determined rather to end his life with 
credite then to retume with infamie and disgrace, and so 
being all agreed, we purposed to live and die together, and 
committed our selves to the ship. Now the 21, having 
brought all our things aboord, about 11 or 12 of the clocke 
at night, we set saile and departed from those Isles, which 
lie in 64 degrees of latitude, our ships being now all at 
Sea, and wee shaping our course to goe, coasting the land 
to the Northwards upon the Easteme shore, which we 
called the shore of our Merchants, because there we met 
with people which tra£Sked with us, but here we were not 
without doubt of our ship. The 22 and 23 we had close 
fogge and raine. 

The 24 being in 67 degrees and 40 minutes, we had 
great store of Whales, and a kinde of sea birdes which the 
Mariners called Gortinous.' This day about sixe of the 
clocke at night, we espied two of the coantrey people at 
Sea, thinking at the first they had bene two great Scales^ 
untill we sawe their oares glistering with the Sunne : they 
came rowing towardes us as fast as they could, and when 
they came within hearing they held up their oares, and 
cried II y a oute, making many signes : and at last they came 
to us, giving us birdes for bracelets, and of them I had a 
darte with a bone in it, or a piece of Unicorn's home, as I 
did judge. This dart he made store of, but when he saw a 
knife he let it go, being more desirous of the knife then of 
his dart ; these people continued rowing after our ship the 
space of 3 howers. 

The 25 in the morning at 7 of the clocke we descried 30 

1 This means that it required three hundred strokes at the pump 
during a watch of four hours, to keep the ship free of water. 
* 1 am unable to explain this word, and believe it to be a mispi-int. 


ami) VoTAtti Savages rowing after us, being by judgement 10 leagues off 
from the shore : they brought us Salmon Peales, Birdes, and 
Gaplin, and we gave them pinnes, needles, bracelets, nailes, 
knives, bels, looking glasses, and other small trifles, and 
for a knife^ a naile or a bracelet, which they call Ponigmah,^ 
they would sell their boat, coates, or any thing they had^ 
although they were farre from the shore. Wee had but few 
skinnes of them, about 20, but they made signes to us that 
if wee would goe to the shore, wee should have more store 
o{ chichsanege ;* they staied with us till 11 of the clocke, at 
which time we went to prayer, and they departed from us. 
The 26 was cloudie, the wind being at South. 
The 27 faire with the same wind. 
The 28 and 29 were foggie with clouds. The 30 day we 

7s deg. IS tooke the heigth and found our selves in 72 degrees and 12 
min. of latitude both at noone and at night, the Sunne 
being 5 degr. above the horizon. At midnight the com- 
passe set to the variation of 28 degr. to the Westward. 

London Now having coasted the land, which we called London coast, 
from the 21 of this present till the 30, the sea open all to 
the Westwards and Northwards, the land on starboord side 
East from us, the winde shifted to the North, whereupon 
we left that shore, naming the same Hope Sanderson, and 
shaped our course West, and ran 40 leagues and better, 
without the sight of any land. 


The second we fel with a mighty banke of Ice West 
from us, lying North and South, which banke we would 
gladly have doubled out to the Northwards, but the winde 
would not suffer us, so that we were faine to coast it 
to the Southwards, hoping to double it out that we might 
have run so farre West till wee had found land, or els to 
have bene thorowly resolved of our pretended purpose. 

^ According to Davis, Panigmah meane a needle. See page 21. 
' This is, in all probability, an Eskimo word ; its meaning I am un- 
able to explain. 


The 3 we fell with the Ice againe, and putting off from '■» votim 
it, we sought to the Northwards, but the wind crossed us. 

The 4 was foggie : so was the 5 also, with much wind at 

The 6 being very cleere, we put our barke with oares 
through a gappe in the Ice, seeing the Sea free on the 
West side as we thought, which, falling out otherwise, 
caused us to retume after we had staied there betweene 
the Ice. The 7 and the 8 about midnight, by God's helpe, 
we recovered the open sea, the weather being faire and 
calme, and so was the 9. The 10 we coasted the Ice.^ 

The 11 was foggie, but calme. 

The 12 we coasted againe the Ice, having the wind at 
West northwest. The 13 bearing off from the Ice, we de- 
termined to goe with the shore and come to an anker, and 
to stay five or 6 daies for the dissolving of the Ice, hoping 
that the sea continually beating it, and the sunne, with the 
extreme force of heate which it had alwayes shining upon 
it, would make a quicke dispatch, that we might have a 
further search upon the Westeme shore. Now when we 
were come to the Easterne coast, the water something 
deepe, and some of our company fearefull withall, we durst 
not come to an anker but bare off into sea againe. The 
poore people seeing us goe away againe came rowing afler 
us into the Sea, the waves being somewhat loftie. We 
truckt* with them for a few skinnes and dartes, and gave 
them beads, nailes, pinnes, needles, and cardes, they point- 
ing to the shore as though they would shew us great 
friendship : but we Utle regarding their curtesie, gave them 
the gentle farewell, and so departed. 

The 14 we had the wind at South. The 15 there was 
some fault either in the barke, or the set of some currant, 

« This ice, that so thwarted the intentions of Davis, was, undoubtedly, 
the so-called middle pack of Baffin^s Bay. 

' To trucks was a common expression signifying to barter or exchange 
one commodity for another. 




«ip voTAOT fQj. yfQ were drive 6 points out of our course. The 16 we 
fell with y« banke of Ice west from us. The 17 and 18 
were foggie. The 19^ at one a clocke after noone, we had 
sight of the land which we called mount Raleigh^ and at 12 
of the clocke at night wee were thwart the streights which 
we discovered the first yeere. The 20 wee traversed in the 
mouth of the streight, the winde being at West, with 
faire and cleare weather. The 21 and 22 we coasted the 
Northeme coast of the streights. The 23, having sayled 
60 leagues Northwest into the streights, at two a clocke 
after noone, we ankered among many Isles in the bottome 

craibi*^ of the gulfe, naming the same the erle of Cumberlands 
Isles, where, riding at anker, a Whale passed by our ship 
and went West in among the Isles. Here the compasse set 
at 30 degrees Westward variation. The 24 we departed, 
shaping our course Southeast to recover the Sea. The 25 
we were becalmed in the bottome of the gulfe, the aire 
being extreme hote. Master Bruton and some of the Mari- 
ners went on shore to course dogs, where they found many 
Graves and Trane^ spilt on the ground, the dogs being so 
fat that they were scant able to runne. 

The 26 wee had a pretie storme, the wind being at South- 
east. The 27 and 28 were faire. The 29 we were cleare 
out of the streights, having coasted the South shore, and 
this day at noone we were in 64 degrees of latitude. The 
30 in the aftemoone we coasted a banke of Ice which lay on 
the shore, and passed by a great banke or inlet, which lay 
betweene 63 and 62 degrees of latitude, which we called 
Lumleis Inlet.^ We had oftentimes as we sailed along the 
coast, great rootes, the water, as it were, whirling and over- 
falling, as if it were the fall of some great water through a 
bridge. The 31, as we sayled by a head land, which wee 
named Warwikes Foreland, we fell into one of those over- 
fals with a fresh gale of wind, and bearing all our sailes, 
we looking upon an Island of Ice betweene us and the 
' Train oil. • This position agrees with that of Frobisher Strait. 





shore, had thought that our barke did make no way, which ^"> Vot^^* 
caused us to take markes on the shore : at length we per- 
ceived our selves to go very fast, and the Island of Ice, which 
we saw before, was caried very forcibly with the set of the 
currant faster then our ship went. This day and night we 
passed by a very great gulfe/ the water whirling and roring, 
as it were the meetings of tides. 


The first having coasted a banke of Ice which was 
driven out at the mouth of this gulfe, wee fell with the 
Southormost Cape of the gulfe, which we named Childleis ^^lek 
Cape,^ which lay in 60 degrees and 10 minutes of latitude. 
The 2 and 3 were calme and foggie : so were the 4, 5, and 6. 
The 7 was faire and calme: so was the 8, with a litle gale 
in the morning. The 9 was faire, and we had a litle gale 
at night. The 10 wee had a frisking gale at West North- 
west. The 11 faire. The 12 we sawe five Deere on the top 
of an Island, called by us Darcies Island. And wee hoised S^Jc^Si^ 
out our boate, and went a shore to them, thinking to have ^^•°^* 
killed some of them. But when we came on shore and had 
coursed them twise about the Island, they tooke the Sea 
and swamme towards Islands distant from that 3 leagues. 
When wee perceived that they had taken the Sea, we gave 
them over, because our boat was so small that it could not 
carie us and rowe after them, they swamme so fast : but 
one of them was as big as a good pretie Gowe and very fat, 
their feete as big as Ox feete. Here upon this Island I 
killed with my peece a grey hare. 

The 13 in the morning we saw 3 or 4 white Beares, but 
durst not goe on shore to them for lacke of a good boat. 

1 Hudson Strait ? 

* Named after John Chudleigh or Chidley, who died in the Straits of 
MageUan whilst on a voyage that had for its object the circumnaviga- 
tion of the globe. He was a Devonshire man, and a great friend of John 

See note, page 19, Lancattter's Voyages^ published by this Society. 





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guife which we passed over the 30 day of this moneth 

another rery great inlet, whose South limit at this 
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A letter of the saijd M. John Davis, written to M. Sanderson, 
of London, concerning hia forewritten voyage. 

Good M. Sanderson, with Gods great mercy I have made 
my safe retnrne in health, with all my companie, and have 
sailed threescore leagues farther then my determination at 
my departure. I have bene in 73 degrees, finding the Sea 
all open, and forty leagues betweene land and land. 

The passage is most probable, the execution easie, as 
at my comming you shall fully know. 

Yesterday, the 15 of September, I landed all wearie, 
therefore I pray you pardon my shortnesse. 

Sandridge, this 16 of September, anno 1587. 

Yours equall as mine owne, which by triall you 

shall best know, 

John Davis. 


The [3rd] voiage^ of the right honorable George, Erie 

of Cumberland, to the Azores, <kc. 

Written by the excellent Mathematician and Euginier, master 

Edward Wright. 

The right honorable the Erie of Camberland having at his 
owne charges prepared his small Fleet of foure Sailes onely, 
viz. : The Vidorie, one of the Qacenes ships royall ; the 
Meg and Margaret, small ships (one of which also he was 
forced soone after to send home againe^ finding her not 
able to endure the Sea), and a small Caravelly and having 
assembled together about 400 men (or fewer), of gentlemen, 
souldiers, and saylers, embarked himself and them, and set 
saile from the Sound of Plimmouth in Devonshire, the 18 
day of June, 1589, being accompanied with these captaines 
and gentlemen which hereafter folow. 

Captaine Christopher Lister, u man of great resolution ; 
captaine Edward Carelesse, alias Wright, who, in sir Francis 
Drakes West Indian voyage to S. Domingo and Curthagena, 
was captaine of the Hope, Captaine Bos well, M. Mervin, 
M. Henry Long, M. Partridge, M. Norton, M. William 
Mounson, captaine of the Meg, and his vice-admirall, now sir 
William Mounson, M. Pigeon, captaine of the OaravelL 

About 8 dayes after our departure from Plimmouth we 
met with 3 French ships, whereof one was of Newhaven, 
another of S. Males, and so finding them to be Leaguers 
and lawful Prises, we tooke them and sent two of them for 
England with all their loding, which was fish for the most 

> The account of this voyage ia taken from the second volume of the 
second edition of Ilakluyt, printed in 1599. 


diers might not come on shoare, for they themselves would c^m- 
bring all they had promised to the water-side, which re-3,^J5rAoa 

quest was graunted, we keeping one of them aboord with 

us untill their promise was performed, and the other we 
sent to shoare with our emptie Gaske, and some of our men 
to helpe to fill, and bring them away with such other provi- 
sion as was promised : so the Margaret, Captaine Davis his 
shippe, and another of Weymouth, stayed ryding at anker 
before the Towne to take in our provision. This shippe of 
Weymouth came to us the day before, and had taken a rich 
Prize (as it was reported^ worth sixteene thousand pound, 
which brought us newes that the West-Indian Fleete was 
not yet come, but would come very shortly. 

But we with the Victorie put off to sea, and upon Satur- 
day, the fourth of October, we tooke a French shippe of 
Saint Malo (a citie of the unholy league) loden with fish 
from Newfoundland : which had beene in so great a tem- 
pest that she was constrayned to cut her mayne mast over- 
boord for her safetie, and was now comming to Graciosa to 
repaire her selfe. But so hardly it befell her that she did 
not onely not repaire her former losses, but lost all that 
remayned unto us. The chiefe of her men we tooke into 
our ship, and sent some of our men, mariners, and souldiers, 
into her, to bring her into England. 

Upon the Sunday following at night, all our promised pro- 
vision was brought unto us from Gratiosa : and we friendly 
dismissed the Ilanders with a peale of Ordiuance. 

Upon Munday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, we plyed to 
and fro about those Islandes, being very rough weather. 
And upon Thursday at night, being driven some three or 
foure leagues from Tercera, we saw fifteene saile of the 
West-Indian Fleete comming into the Haven at Angra in 
Tercera. But the winde was such, that for the space of 
foure dayes after, though wee lay as close by the winde as 
was possible, yet we could not come neere them. In this 


Q^il, The 17 day the foresaid ships were dismissed, bat 7 of 
sbsVomb their men that were willing to go along with as for sailers, 
we tooke to helpe us, and so held on our coarse for the 

The 1 of August^ being Friday in the mornings we had 
sight of the Hand of S. Michael, being one of the Easter- 
most of the Azores, toward which we sailed all that day, 
and at night having put foorth a Spanish flag in our main- 
top, that so they might the lesse suspect us, we approched 
neere to the chiefe towne and road of that Hand, where we 
espied 3 ships riding at anker and some other vessels : all 
which we determined to take in the darke of the night, and 
accordingly attempted about 10 or 11 of the clocke^ send- 
ing our boats well manned to cut their cables and hausers> 
and let them drive into the sea. Our men comming to 
them, found y^ one of those greatest ships was the Falcon 
of London, being there under a Scottish Pilot who bare the 
forelGy name of her as his own. But 3 other smal ships that lay 
^ hi^i^r. neere under the castle there, our men let loose and towed 
them away unto us, most of the Spaniards that were in 
them leaping over-boord and swimming to shore with lowd 
and lamentable outcries, which they of the towne hearing 
were in an uprore, and answered with the like crying. The 
castle discharged some great shot at our boats, but shooting 
without marke by reason of the darknesse they did us no 
hurt. The Scots likewise discharged 8 great pieces into 
the aire to make the Spaniards thinke they were their 
friends and our enemies, and shortly after the Scottish 
master, and some other with him, came aboord to my lord 
doing their dntie, and offring their service, &c. These 3 
ships were fraught with wine and Sallet-oile from Sivil. 

The same day our Caravel chased a Spanish Caravel to 
shore at S. Michael, which caried letters thither, by which 
we learned that the Caraks were departed from Tercera 8 
dayes before. 


The 7 cif AogQst we had sight of a litlo ship which wee ^>|!j{i;^ 
chased towmrds Teiceim with our pinQtsse (the weiither )i^vvt«i 
being cslme), and towmrds eTeniog we overtooke her, there '— — 
were in her 30 tonnes of good Madera wine, certaine 
woollen cloth^ silke. taffeta, &o« 

The 14 of Angnst we came to the Hand of Flores, where 
we determined to take in some fresh water and fresh vie* 
tnals^ SQch as the Hand did affoord. So we manned our 
boats with some 120 men and rowed towards the shore : 
whereto when we approched, the inhabitants that wore as- 
sembled at the landing place put foorth a flag of truoo, 
whereupon we also did the like. 

When we came to them, my Lord gave them to undcr^ 
stand by his Portugall interpreter tliat ho was a friend to 
their king Don Antonio, and came not any way to ii\jury 
the, but that he ment onely to have some fresh water and 
fresh victuals of them, by way of exchange for some provi* 
sion that he had, as oile, wine, or pepper, to which they 
presently agreed willingly, and sent some of their company 
for beeves and sheepe, and we in the mesne season marched 
Southward about a mile to Villa de Santa Cruz, from 
whence all the inhabitants yong and old wore departed, and 
not any thing of value left. We demanding of them what 
was the cause hereof, they answered Feare ; as their usuall 
maner was when any ships came noere their coast. 

We found that part of the Hand to be full of groat rockio 
barren hils and mountains, litle inhabited by reason that it is 
molested with ships of war, which might partly appearo by 
this towne of Santa Cruz (being one of their chiefo Umnon) 
which was all ruinous, and (as it were) but the reliques of 
the ancient towne which had bene burnt about two ycijrnn 
before by certaine English ships of war, as the inhabitants 
there reported* 

At evening, as we were in rowing towards the Viri/mj, an 
hnge fish pnrsned ns for the space well nigh of two miles 


cuMB»- together, distant for the most part fi-o the boats steme not a 
sbdVot'ob speares length, and sometimes so neere that the boat stroke 

upon him, the tips of whose finnes about the ghils (appear- 
ing oft times above the water) were by estimation 4 or 5 
yards asunder, and his jawes gaping a yard and an halfe wide, 
which put us in fear of over-turning the pinnasse, but God 
bee thanked (rowing as hard as we could) we escaped. 

When we were about Flores a litle ship called the Drake 
brought us word that the Caraks were at Tercora, of which 
newes we were very glad, & sped us thitherward with all 
the speed we could : and by the way we came to Fayal road 
the seven and twentieth day of August, after sunne set, 
where we espied certaine shippes ryding at anker, to whom 
we sent in our SkiSe with Captaine Lyster and Captaine 
Monson in her to discover the readers : and least any daun- 
ger should happen to our boate, we sent in likewise the 
Sawsie-Jacke^ and the small Caravell ; but the wind being oflf 
the shoare, the shippes were not abld to fet it so nigh as 
the Spaniards ride, which neverthelesse the boate did, and 
clapped a shippe aboord of two hundred and fiftie tunnes, 
which caried in her fourteene cast peeces, and continued 
fight alone with her for the space of one houre, untill the 
comming up of other boates to the reskue of her, which 
were sent from the shippes, and then a fresh boording her 
again e, one boate in the quarter, another in the hause, wee 
entred her on the one side, and all the Spaniards lept over- 
boord on the other, save Juan de Palma the Captaine of her 
and two or three more, and thus we became possessors of 

This shippe was mored to the Castle, which shot at us all 
this while : the onely hurt which we received of all this shot 
w*as this, that the master of our Caravell had the calfe of 
his legge shot away. This shippe was laden with Sugar, 

* This vessel must have joined the squadron after its departure from 


Ginger, and hides, lately come from S. Juan do Tuorto v^^JJ;^**. 
Rico; after we had towed her clearo off tho oastlo, wo»,Jl\*"*«« 

rowed in againe with onr boats, and fetched out five small ■ " 

ships more, one laden with hides, another with Klopluvnts 
teeth, graines, coco-nuts, and goates skins oomo fiH>m 
Guinie, another with woad,^ and two with doggo-fish, which 
two last we let drive in the sea, making none account of 
them. The other foure we sent for England tho 30 of 

At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with us 
some other small men of warre, as Maister John Davis, with 
his shippe, Pinnesse, and Boate, Captain Markesburio with 
his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh, tho Barko of 
Lime, which was also consorted with us before. 

The last of August in the morning we came in sight of 
Tercera, being about some nine or ten leagues from shoaro, 
where we espied comming towards us a small boat under 
Baile, which seemed somewhat strange unto us, being so 
farre from land, and no shippe in sight, to which thoy 
might belong: but comming noere, they put us out of 
doabt, shewing they were English men (eight in number) 0^*^*1?* 
that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera, and finding fr/m"^" 
opportnnitie to escape at that time, with that small boat 
committed themselves to the sea under Gods providence, 
having no other yard for their maine saile but two pipe 
staves tyed together by the endes, and no more provision of 
victuals then they could bring in their pockets and bosomr^M. 
Having taken them all into the Victorui, they gave ns r;er- 
taioe intelligence, that the Carackes were def>arted frorn 
ihenoe about a weeke before. 

Thas beeing without any further hof>e of thosf; Carak% 
we resolved to retnme for Fayall, with intent to unrftny^ 
the towne, but, nntill the ninth of ^f.\>ifim\ffir, wh had 

* Woadn a Crocifer. the I*nhJt tinrtr^ri/i ; froii* tf*^ \eakr*ih *A thi* ^ihrit 
a blue dje waa extracted, %tA mtioh umA. 



Q^^l, either the winde so contrary, or the weather so calme, that 
SB^'y^'oa in all that time we made scarce nine or ten leagues way^ 
- lingring up and downe not farre from Pico. 

The tenth of September, being Wednesday in the after- 
noone, wee came againe to Fayal roade. Whereupon im- 
mediatly my Lord sent Gaptaine Lister^ with one of Gra- 
ciosa (whom Gaptaine Munson had before taken) and some 
others^ towards Fayal, whom certaine of the Inhabitants 
met in a boat, and came with Gaptaine Lister to my Lord, 
to whom hee gave this choice : either to suffer him quietly 
to enter into the platforme^ there without resistance, where 
he and his companie would remaine a space without offering 
any injurie to them, that they (the Inhabitants) might come 
unto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne ; or 
else to stand to the hazard of warre. 

With these words they returned to the towne : but the 
keepers of the platforme answered, that it was against their 
oath and allegeance to king Philip to give over without 
fight. Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of 
every ship to be presently manned, and soone after landed 
his men on the sandie shoare, under the side of an hill, 
about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme : 
upon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and foot- 
men shewed themselves, and other two companies also ap- 
peared, with ensignes displayed, the one before the towne 
upon the shore by the sea side, which marched towards our 
landing place as though they would encounter us; the other 
in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme, as if they 
would have come to helpe the Townesmen : during which 
time they in the platforme also played upon us with great 
Notwithstanding my L. (having set his men in order) 

> A platform, in fortification, was a raised earthwork, on which can- 
non were mounted. It was also a kind of bastion, made on a re- 
entering angle, its two faces making a right line. 


marched along the sea shore upon the sands, betwixt the c!n«M- 
sea and the towne towards the platforme for the space of a sbdVotagi 

mile or more, and then the shore growing rockie, and permit- 

ting no farther progresse without much difficulties he entred of the towne 
into the towne and passed through the street without resist- J?™ ®' 
ance unto the platforme ; for those companies before men- 
tioned at my Lo. approching, were soone dispersed and sud* 
denly vanished. 

Likewise they of the platforme, being all fled at my Lords 
comming thither, left him and his company to scale the 
walles, to enter and take possession without resistance. 

In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the 
foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte, till such 
time as we saw the Bed-Crosse of England flourishing upon 
the Forefront thereof. 

This Fayal is the principall towne in all that island, and 
18 situate directly over against the high and mighty moun- ^^^te 
taine Pico, lying towards the West Northwest from that Faiai. 
mountaine, being devided therefrom by a narrow Sea, which 
at that place is by estimation about some two or three 
leagues in bredth betweene the lies of Fayal and Pico. 

The towne conteynod some three hundred housholds, 
their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and 
stone, and double covered with hollow tyles, much like our 
roofe-tyles, but that they are lesse at the one end then at 
the other. 

Every house almost had a cisteme or well in a garden on 
the backe side: in which garden grew vines (with ripe 
clusters of grapes) making pleasant shadowes, and Tabacco 
nowe commonly knowen and used in England, wherewith 
their women there dye their faces reddish, to make them 
seeme fresh and young : Pepper, Indian and common ; figge 
trees bearing both white and red figges ; Peach trees not 
growing very tall : Orenges, Limons, Quinces, Potato- 



cmml' roots, &c Swoete wood (Ceder I thinke) is there very 
sioVmeB common, even for building and firing. 

My Lord having possessed himselfe of the towne and 
platforme, and being carefull of the preservation of the 
towne, gave commandement that no mariner or souldier 
should enter into any house to make any spoyle thereof. 
But especially he was carefull of the Churches and houses 
of religion there should be kept inviolate, which was accord- 
ingly performed, through his appointment of guarders and 
keepers for those places : but the rest of the towne eyther 
for want of the former inhibition, or for desire of spoyle and 
prey, was rifled, and ransacked by the souldiers and mari- 
ners, who scarcely lefb any house unsearched, out of which 
they tooke such things as liked them, as chestes of sweete 
wood, chaires, cloth, coverlets, hangings, bedding, appa- 
rell : and further ranged into the countrey, where some of 
them also were hurt by the inhabitants. The Friery there, 
conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers 
(among whom wo could not finde any one able to speake 
true Latine), was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera of 
the same order, about the yeare of our Lord one thousand 
five hundred and sixe. The tables in the hall had seates 
for the one side onely, and were alwayes covered, as readie 
at all times for dinner or supper. 

From Wednesday in the afbernoone, at which time we 
entred the towne, til Saturday night, we continued there 
untill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome 
of the towne, two thousand duckats, most part whereof was 

We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of 
Ordinance, whereof three and twentie (as I remember) or 
more were readie mounted upon their carriages, betweene 
Barricades,^ upon a platforme towardes the sea-side, all 

■ A barricadoe was a haatily-constracted defence, consifiting of barrels 
of earth, carts, trees, lumber, etc. 

A HUGE FI8U. 69 

which Ordinance wee tooke^ and set the platforme on fire, "^ ®» 
and so departed : My Lord having invited to dinner in the s»i^<^Io, 

Victorie, on the Sunday following, so many of the Inhabitants 

as would willingly come (save onely Diego Gomes the 
Govemour, who came but once onely to parlo about the 
ransome) onely foure came and were well entertained, and 
solemnely dismissed with sound of drumme and trumpets, 
and a peale of Ordinance : to whom my Lord delivered his 
letter subscribed with his owne hand, importing a request 
to all other Englishmen to abstaine from any further mo- 
lesting them, save onely for fresh water, and victuals neces- 
sary for their intended voyage. During our abode here 
(viz. the 11 of September) two men came out of Pico which 
had beeno prisoners there : Also at Fayal we set at libertie 
a prisoner translated from S. Jago who was cousin to a 
servant of Don Anthonio, king of Portugall, in England : 
These prisoners we deteyned with us. 

On Munday we sent our boates a shore for fresh water, 
which (by reason of the raine that fell the former night) 
came plentifully running downe the hilles, and would other- 
wise have beene hard to be gotten there. On Tuesday 
likewise having not yet suflSciently served our tumes, we 
sent againe for fresh water, which was then not so easie to 
be gotten as the day before, by reason of a great winde : 
which in the afternoone increased also in such sort, that we 
thought it not safe to ride so neere the land : whereupon we 
weyed anker and so departed Northwest and by west, 
alongst the coast of Fayal Island. Some of the Inhabitants 
comming aboord to us this day, tolde us that alwayes about 
that time of the yeere such windes West Southwest blew 
on that coast. 

This day, as we sayled neere Saint Georges Island, a 
huge fish lying still a htle under water, or rather even 
therewith, appeared hard by a head of us^ the sea breaking 
upon his backcj which was blacke coloured^ in such sort aa 


oimm. cleeming at the first it had beene a rocke, and the ship stem^^ 
SboYc^aob ™ing directly with him, we were put in a sadden feare for 
' — the time : till soone after we saw him move out of the way. 

The 16 of September in the night it lightened much, 
whereupon there followed great winds and raine, which 
continued the 17, 18, 19, 20, and 21 of the same. The 23 
of September we came againe into Faial road to weigh an 
anker which (for haste and feare of foule weather) wee had 
left there before, where we went on shore to see the towne, 
the people (as we thought) having now setled themselves 
there againe, but notwithstanding many of them through 
too much distrustfulnesse, departed and prepared to depart 
with their packets at the first sight of us : untill such time 
as they were assured by my Lord, that our comming was 
not any way to injury them, but especially to have fresh 
water, and some other things needefuU for us, contenting 
them for the same. 

So then we viewed the Towne quietly, and bought such 
things as we desired for our money as if we had bene in 
England. And they helped to fill us in fresh water, re- 
ceiving for their paines such satisfaction as contented them. 

The 25 day we were forced againe to depart from thence, 
before we had sufficiently watered, by reason of a great 
tempest that suddenly arose in the night, in so much that 
my Lord himselfe, soone after midnight, raysed our men out 
of their Cabines to wey anker, himselfe also together with 
them haling at the Capstan, and after chearing them up 
with wine. 

The next day we sent our Caravel and the Sawsie-Jacke 
to the road of Saint Michael to see what they could espie : 
we following after them upon the 27 day, plying to and 
fro, came within sight of S. Michael, but by contrary windes 
the 28, 29, and 30 dayes wee were driven to leewarde, and 
could not get neere the Island. 

The first of October wee sayled alongst Tercera, and 


even against Brasill (a promontorie neere to Angra, the 5wui2i 
strongest Towne in that Island), wee espied some boates sj^oxlai 
comming to the Towne, and made out towardes them : but ' 
being neere to the lande they ranne to shoare and escaped 


In the aftemoone we came neere to Oraoiosa, whereupon 
my Lord foorthwith sent Captain Lister to the Danders to 
let them understand that his desire was onely to have 
water and wine of them, and some fresh victuals, and not 
any farther to trouble them. They answered they could 
give no resolute answere to this demaund, untill the Go- 
vernors of the Hand had consulted therupon, and there- 
fore desired him to send againe to them the next day. 

Upon the second day of October, early in the morning, 
we sent forth our long boat and Pinnesse, with emptie Caske, 
and about some fiftie or sixty men, together with the Mar- 
garet, and Captaine Davis his shippe : for we now wanted 
all the rest of our consortes. But when our men would 
have landed, the Ilanders shot at them, and would not sufier 
them. And troupes of men appeared upon land, with 
ensignes displayed, to resist us. So our boates rowed 
alongst the shoare, to finde some place where they might 
land, not with too much disadvantage : our shippes and 
they still shooting at the Ilanders : but no place could be 
founde where they might land without great perill of loos- 
ing many of their lives, and so were constrayned to retire 
without receiving any answere, as was promised the day 
before. We had three men hurt in this conflict, whilest our 
boates were together in consulting what was best to be 
done : two of them were stroken with a great shot (which 
the Ilanders drew from place to place with Oxen), where- 
with the one lost his hand, and the other his life within 
two or three dayes after : the third was shot into his necke 
with a small shot, without any great hurt. 

With these newes our company returned backe againe at 


^j^*^ow night, whereupon preparation was made to goe to them 
SboYot'ob agaioG t^G °©xt day : but the day was farre spent before we 

could come neere them with our ship : neither could we finde 

any good ground to anker in, where we might lye to batter the 
Towne, and further we could finde no landing place, without 
great danger to loose many men : which might tume not 
only to the overthrow of our voiage, but also put the 
Queenes ship in great perill for want of men to bring her 
home. Therefore my Lord thought it best to write to them 
to this effect : That he could not a litle manrell at their in- 
humanitie and crueltie which they had shewed towards his 
men, seeing they were sent by him unto them in peaceable 
manner to receive their answere which they had promised 
to give the day before : and that were it not for Don An- 
tonio their lawful king his sake, he could not put up so 
great injury at their hands without just revengement upon 
them : notwithstanding for Don Antonio his sake, whose 
fiiend he was, he was yet content to send to them once 
againe for their answere : At night Captaine Lister re- 
turned with this answere from them. That their Gunner shot 
off one of their peeces, which was charged with ponder onely, 
and was stopped ; which our men thinking it had bin shot 
at them, shot againe, and so beganne the fight : and that 
the next morning they would send my Lord a resolute 
answere to his demaunde, for as yet they could not knowe 
their Govemours minde herein. The next morniug there 
came unto us a boate from the shoare with a fiagge of 
truce, wherein were three of the chiefe men of the Island, 
who agreed with my Lorde that hee should have of them 
sixtie buttes of wine, and fi^sh victuals to refresh himselfe 
and his companie withall : but as for fresh water, they could 
not satisfie our neede therein, having themselves little or 
none, saving such as they saved in vessels or cistemes 
when it rayned, and that they had rather give us two tunnes 
of wine then one of water ; but they requested that our soul- 


cliers might not come on shoare, for they themselves would JuiiMi 
bring all they had promised to the water-side, which re-3,^o,^J^, 

quest was graunted^ we keeping one of them aboord with 

us untill their promise was performed, and the other we 
sent to shoare with our em p tie Gaske, and some of our men 
to helpe to fill, and bring them away with such other provi- 
sion as was promised : so the Margaret, Gaptaine Davis his 
shippe, and another of Weymouth, stayed ryding at anker 
before the Towne to take in our provision. This shippe of 
Weymouth came to us the day before, and had taken a rich 
Prize (as it was reported) worth sizteene thousand pound, 
which brought us newes that the West-Indian Fleete was 
not yet come, but would come very shortly. 

But we with the Victorie put off to sea, and upon Satur- 
day, the fourth of October, we tooke a French shippe of 
Saint Malo (a citie of the unholy league) loden with fish 
from Newfoundland : which had beene in so great a tem- 
pest that she was const ray ned to cut her mayne mast over- 
boord for her safetie, and was now comming to Graciosa to 
repaire her selfe. But so hardly it befell her that she did 
not onely not repaire her former losses, but lost all that 
remayned unto us. The chiefe of her men we tooke into 
our ship, and sent some of our men, mariners, and souldiers, 
into her, to bring her into England. 

Upon the Sunday following at night, all our promised pro- 
vision was brought unto us from Gratiosa : and we friendly 
dismissed the Ilanders with a peale of Ordinance. 

Upon Munday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, we plyed to 
and fro about those Islandes, being very rough weather. 
And upon Thursday at night, being driven some three or 
foure leagues from Tercera, we saw fifteene saile of the 
West-Indian Fleete comming into the Haven at Angra in 
Tercera. But the winde was such, that for the space of 
foure dayes after, though wee lay as close by the winde as 
was possible, yet we could not come neere them. In this 


Q^SL *^°^® ^® "^^^ ^^^ ^^ French Prize, not being able to lie so 
''y^ASB neere the winde as we, and heard no more of her till we 
oame to England, where shoe safely arrived. 

Upon Munday we came very neere the Havens mouth, 
being minded to have runne in amongst them, and to have 
fetched oat some of them if it had beene possible : But in 
the end this enterprise was deemed too daungerous, consi- 
dering the strength of the place where they rode, being 
haled and towed in neerer the towne, at the first sight of 
our approching, and lying under the protection of the 
Castle of Brasill on the one side (having in it five and twentie 
peeces of Ordinance), and a fort on the other side, wherein 
were 13 or 14 great brasse pieces. Besides, when we came 
neere land, the winde prooved too scant for us to attempt 
any such enterprise. 

Upon Tuesday the fourteenth of October we sent our 
boate to the roade to sound the depth, to see if there were 
any ankoring place for us, where we might lie without shot 
of the Castle and Fort, and within shot of some of those 
shippes, that we might either make them come out to us, 
or sinke them where they lay. Our boate returned, having 
found out such a place as we desired, but the winde would 
not sufier us to come neere it, and againe if we could have 
ankored there, it was thought likely that they would rather 
runne themselves a ground to save their lives and liberties, 
and some of their goods, then come foorth to loose their 
liberties and goods to us their enemies. So we shot at 
them to see if we could reach them, but it fell farre short. 
And thus we departed, thinking it not probable that they 
would come foorth so long as we watched for them be- 
fore the havens mouth, or within sight of them. For the 
space of five dayes after we put ofi* to sea and lay without 
sight of them, and sent a pinnesse to lie out of sight close 
by the shore, to bring us word if they should come foorth. 
After a while the Pinnesse returned and tolde us that those 


ships in the Hayen had taken downe their sayles^ and let cuSiX 
downe their toppe mastes: so that wee supposed they would 8sDVmr!oa 
never come foorth till they perceived us to bee qaite gone. " 

Wherefore upon the 20 of October^ hearing that there were 
certaine Scottish ships at Saint Michael^ we sayled thither, 
and foand there one Scottish reader/ and two or three 
more at Villa Franca, the next road, a league or two from 
the towne of S. Michael to the Eastwards : of whom we had 
for our reliefe some small quantitie of wine (viz., some five 
or sixe buttes of them all) and some fresh water, but nothing 
sufficient to serve our tnme. 

Upon Tuesday, the one and twentieth of October, we sent 
our long boate to shore for fresh water at a brooke a little 
to the Westwards from Villa Franca. 

But the Inhabitants espying us, came downe with two 
Ensignes displayed, and about some hundred and fiftie men 
armed, to withstand our landing. 

So our men, having spent all their ponder upon them in 
attempting to land^ and not being able to prevaile at so 
great oddes, returned frustrate. 

From hence we departed towards Saint Maries Island, 
minding to water there, and then to goe for the coast of 
Spaine. For we had intelligence that it was a place of no 
great force, and that we might water there very well : there- 
fore upon Friday following, my Lord sent Captaine Lister, and 
Captaine Amias Preston, now Sir Amias Preston (who not 
long before came to us out of his owne shippe,and she loosing 
us in the night, hee was forced to tany still with us), with 
our long boate and Pinnesse, and some sixtie or seventie 
shotte in them, with a friendly letter to the Ilanders, that 
they would grant us leave to water, and we would no further 
trouble them. 

1 A roader is aoy ship that rides at anchor in a roadstead. The 
name is chiefly applied to those vessels that, working the tides, proceed 
from one road, or anchorage, to another. 


cimm- ^^ ^® departed from the Victorie for the Iland^ about Dine 
sbdYotaob of the clocke in the forenooDe, and rowed freshly nntill about 

three a clocke aftemoone, at which time our men, beiDg 

BOmethiog weary with rowiog, and being within a league 
or two of the shore aDd four or five leagues from the Victorie, 
they espied (to their refreshing) two shippes ryding at 
anker hard under the towne^ whereupon^ having shifted 
some six or seven of our men into Captaine Davis his 
boatOj being too much pestered in our owne, and retayning 
with us some twenty shot in the pinnesse^ we made way 
towardes them with all the speede we could. 

By the way as we rowed we saw boates passing betwixt 
the readers and the shore^ and men in their shirtes swim- 
ming and wading to shoare, who, as we perceived after- 
wardes, were labouring to set those shippes fast on ground, 
and the Inhabitants as busily preparing themselves for the 
defence of those readers, their Hand, and themselves. When 
we came neere them, Captaine Lister commaunded the 
Trumpets to be sounded, but prohibited any shot to be 
discharged at them untill they had direction from him. 
But some of the companie, either not well perceiving or re- 
garding what he sayd, immediatly upon the sound of the 
Trumpets discharged their pieces at the Islanders, which for 
the most part lay in trenches and fortefied places unseene, 
to their owno best advantage : who immediatly shot like- 
wise at us, both with small and great shot, without danger 
to themselves. Notwithstanding,' Captaine Lister earnestly 
hastened forward the Saylers that rowed, who beganne to 
shrinke at that shot, flying so fast about their eares, and 
himselfe first entring one of the shippes that lay a litle 
further from shoare then the other, we spedily followed 
after him into her, still plying them with our shot. And 
having cut in sunder her Cables and Hansers, towed her 
away with our Pinnesse. In the meane time Captaine Davis 
his boate overtooke us and entred into the other shippe. 




which also (as the former) was forsaken by all her men : JjJ^ 
but they were constrayned to leave her and to come againe SBDVoTAai 
into their boate (whilest shot and stones from shoare flew fast 
amongst them)^ finding her to sticke so fast a grounde, that 
they could not stire her: which the Townsmen also per- 
ceiving, and seeing that they were but fewe in number, and 
US (busied about the other ship) not comming to ayde them, 
were preparing to have come and taken them. But they 
returned unto us, and so together we came away towards the 
Victory, towing after us the Prize that we had now taken, 
which was lately come from Brasill loden with sugar. 

In this fight we had two men slaine and 16 wounded : 
and as for them, it is like they had litle hurt, lying for the 
most part behind stone walles, which were builded one 
above another hard by the sea side, upon the end of the 
hill, whereupon the Towne stoode betwixt two valleyes. 
Upon the toppe of the hill lay their great Ordinance (such 
as they had), wherewith they shot leaden bullets, whereof 
one pierced through our Prizes side, and lay still in the 
shippe without doing any more harme. 

The nezt day we went againe for water to the same 
Hand, but not knowing before the inconvenience and dis- 
advantage of the place where we attempted to land, we re- 
turned frustrate. 

The same night, the 25 of October, we departed for S. 
Georges Hand for fresh water, whither we came on Munday 
following, October 27, and having espied where a spout of 
water came running downe : the pinnesse and long boate 
were presently manned and sent under the conduct of 
Captaine Preston and Captaine Munson, by whom my Lord 
sent a letter to the Ilanders as before, to grant us leave to 
water onely, and we would no further trouble them ; not- 
withstanding, our men comming on shoare found some of 
the poore Ilanders, which, for fearo of us, hid themselves 
amongst the rockes. 


Q^^ And on Wednesday following our boats returned with 
taDVbxA«i fresh water, whereof they brought only sixe tunnes for the 
-""■""" Victorie, alleaging they could get no more, thinking (as it 
was supposed) that my Lord haying no more provision of 
water and wine, but onely 12 tunnes, would not goe for the 
coast of Spaine^ but straight for the coast of England, as 
many of our men greatly desired: notwithstanding, my 
Lord was unwilling so to doe, and was minded the next day 
to have taken in more water : but through roughnesse of 
the seas and winde, and nnwillingnesse of his men, it was 
not done. Yet his Hon. purposed not to retume with so 
much provision unspent, and his voyage (as he thought) 
not yet performed in such sort as mought give some reason- 
able contentment or satisfaction to himselfe and others. 

Therefore, because no more water could now conveniently 
be gotten, and being uncertaine when it could be gotten, 
and the time of our staying aboord also uncertaine, the 
matter being referred to the choyse of the whole companie, 
whither they would tarrie longer, till wee might be more 
sufficiently provided of fresh water, or goe by the coast of 
Spaine for England, with halfe so much allowance of drinke 
as before, they willingly agreed that every mease should 
bee allowed at one meale but halfe so much drinke as they 
were accustomed (except them that were sicke or wounded), 
and so to goe for England, taking the coast of Spaine in our 
way, to see if we could that way make up our voyage. 

Upon Saturday, Octob. 31, we sent the Margaret (because 
she leaked much) directly for England, together with the 
Prize of Brasile which we tooke at S. Marie, and in them 
some of our hurt and wounded men, or otherwise sicke, 
were sent home as they desired, for England : but Captaine 
Monson was taken out of the Megge into the Victorie. 

So we held on our course for the coast of Spaine with a 
faire winde and a large, which before we seldome had. 

And upon Tuesday following, being the 4 of Novemb., 


we espied a saile right before us, which we chased till about ^JJ;^/. 
three a clocke in the aftemoone^ at which time we overtakiug z^yroYM 

her, she stroke sayle^ and being demaunded who was her 

owner and from whence she was^ they answered^ a Portugal!^ 
and from Pemanbncke in Brasile. She was a ship of some 
110 tuns burden^ fraighted with 410 chestes of Sugar^ and 
50 Eintals^ of Brasill-wood,^ every Kintall contayning one 
hundred pound weight : we tooke her in latitude nine and 
twentie degrees, about two hundred leagues from Lisbone 
westwards : Captaine Preston was presently sent unto her^ 
who brought the principall of her men aboord the Victories 
and certaine of our men, mariners and souldiers, were sent 
aboord her. The Portugals of this Prize told us that they 
saw another ship before them that day about noone. Having 
therefore dispatched all things about the Prize aforesaid, 
and left our long boat with Captaine Davis^ taking his * 
lesser boat with us^ we made way after this other ship with 
all the sayles we could beare, holding on our course due 
East, and giving order to Captaine Davis^ his ship and the 
Prize, that they should follow us due East, and that if they 
had sight of us the morning following, they should follow 
us still : if not, they should goe for England. 

The next morning we espied not the sayle which we 
chased, and Captaine Davis his ship, and the Prize, were 
behinde us out of sight : but the next Thursday, the sixt 
of November (being in latitude 38 degrees 30 minutes, and 
about sixtie leagues from Lisbone westwards), early in the 
morning, Captaine Preston descried a sayle some two or 
three leagues a head of us, after which we presently 

> A kintal^ or quintal, was a commercial weight of about 100 lbs., more 
or leas, according to the different usages of nations. It was, probably, 
so called because composed of five equal parts of twenty pounds. 

* The firazU-wood of commerce is a heavy reddish-coloured wood ob- 
tained from the Cassalpinia BrasiUensis, belonging to the natural order 
of the Leguminosas. 


^^^ hastened our chase, and overtooke her about eight or nine 
9mdYotIqt, o{ the clocke before noone. She came lately from Saint 
Michaels roade, having beene before at Brasill loden with 
Sugar and Brasile.^ Having sent our boat to them to bring 
some of the chiefe of their men aboord the Victories in the 
meane time^ whilest they were in comming to us^ one out of 
the maine toppe espied another saile a head some three or 
foure leagues from us. So, immediately upon the returne of 
our boate, having sent her backe againe with some of our 
men aboord the prize^ we pursued speedily this new chase^ 
with all the sayles we could packe on, and about two a 
clocke in the afbemoone overtooke her : she had made pro- 
vision to fight with us^ having hanged the sides of the 
shippe so thicke with hides (wherewith especially she was 
loden) ^ that musket shot could not have pearced them : but 
yer we had discharged two great pieces of our Ordinance 
at her, she stroke sayle, and approching neerer^ we asking 
of whence they were, they answered from the West-Indies, 
from Mexico, and Saint John de Lowe (truly called Ulhua).* 

This ship was of some three or foure hundred tunnes, and 
had in her seven hundred hides worth tenne shillings a 
peece : sixe chests of Gochinell, every chest houlding one 
hundred pound weight, and every pound worth sixe and 
twentie shillings and eight pence, and certaine chests of 
Sugar and China dishes,^ with some plate and silver. 

The Gaptaine of her was an Italian, and by his behaviour 
seemed to be a grave, wise, and civill man : he had put in 
adventure in this shippe five and twentie thousand Duckats. 
Wee tooke him with certaine other of her chiefest men 
(which were Spaniards) into the Victorie : and Gaptaine 
Lister, with so manie other of the chiefest of our Mariners, 

1 Bratily was a heavy red wood found in South America. See note on 
preceding page, 
s St. Juan de Ulua, a fortified ialand in the harbour of Vera Cruz. 
' China ware. 


sonldiers, and saylers as were thought safficient^ to the JjJJ;®/. 
number of 20 or there abouts, were sent into her. In the 3» vo*t4o» 

meane time (we staying) our other prizes, which followed 

after, came up to us. And nowe wee had our hands full, and 
with joy shaped our course for England, for so it was 
thought meetest, having now so many Portugals, Spaniards, 
and Frenchmen amongst us, that if we should have taken 
any more prizes afterwards, wee had not bene well able to 
have manned them without endangering our selves. 

So about six of the clocke in the afternoone (when our 
other prize had overtaken us), wee set saile for England. 
But our prizes not being able to beare us company without 
sparing them many of our sailes, which caused our ship to 
rowle and wallow, in such sort that it was not onely very 
troublesome to us, but, as it was thought, would also have 
put the maine Maste in danger of falling overboord: having 
acquainted them with these inconveniences, we gave them 
direction to keepe their courses together, folowing us, and 
so to come to Portsmouth. We tooke this last prize in 
the latitude of 39 degrees, and about 46 leagues to the 
Westwards from The Rocke,^ 

She was one of those 16 ships which we saw going into 
the haven at Angra in Tercera, October 8. Some of the 
men that we tooke out of her, tolde us, that whilest wee 
were plying up and downe before that haven, as before was 
shewed, expecting the comming foorth of those shippes, 
three of the greatest and best of them, at the appointment 
of the Govern our of Tercera were unloden of their treasure 
and marchandize. 

And in every of them were put three hundred Souldiers, 
which were appointed to have come to lay the Victory 
aboord in the night, and take her ; but when this should 
have bene done, the Victory was gone out of their 

» The Rock of Gibraltar. 


GoMBKB- Now we went ineerily before the winde with all the sailea 
8«D voTAOB we could beare, insomuch that in the space of 24 houres, 

we sailed neere 47 leagues, that is, sevenscore English 

miles, betwixt Friday at noone and Saturday at noone (not- 
withstanding the shippe was very foule and much growne, 
with long being at Sea), which caused some of our com- 
pany to make accompt they would see what running at Tilt 
there should bee at Whitehall upon the Queenes day. Others 
were imagining what a Christmas they would keepe in 
England with their shares of the prizes we had taken. 

But so it befell, that we kept a colde Christmas with the 
Bishop and his clearks^ (rockes that lye to the Westwards 
from Sylly, and the Westeme parts of England) : For soone 
after, the wind scanting came about to the Eastwards (the 
worst part of the heavens for us, from which the winde 
could blow) in such sort, that we could not fetch any part 
of England. 

And hereupon, also, our allowance of drinke, which was 
scant ynough before, was yet more scanted, because of 
the scarcitie thereof in the shippe. So that now a man 
was allowed but halfe a pinte at a meale, and that, many 
times, colde water, and scarce sweete. Notwithstanding, 
this was an happie estate in comparison of that which 
followed. For, from halfe a pinte, we came to a quarter, 
and that lasted not long neither, so that by reason of this 
great scarcitie of drinke, and contrarietie of winde, we 
thought to put into Ireland, there to relieve our wants. 

The " Bishop and his clerks" are situated off the south-west end of 
the Scilly Islands, and consist of a rock and several ledges. On the 
Bishop Rock is a lighthouse, a noble granite structure, showing a 
brilliant, fixed, white light, 110 feet above high water-mark, and visible 
in clear weather a distance of sixteen miles. During thick or foggy 
weather a bell is sounded. The light was first used in 1858. It is in 
lat. 49' 52' 23^ N. and long. 6° 26' 4(r W. This lighthouse, being to 
the south-west of all the dangers around the Scilly Islands, when sighted, 
renders the approach to the group comparatively easy. 


But when wee came neere thither, lying at hulP all night cdJbm' 
(tarrying for the daylight of the next morning, whereby sbd votaqi 

we might the safelyer bring our ship into some convenient 

harbour there), we were driven so farre to lee-ward, that we 
could fetch no part of Ireland, so as with heavie hearts and 
sad cheare, wee were constreined to returne backe againe, 
and expect till it should please God to send us a faire winde 
either for England or Ireland. In the meane time, we were 
allowed every man three or foure spooues full of vinegar to 
drinke at a meale : for other drinko we had none, saving 
onely at two or three meales, when wo had in stead hereof 
as much wine, which was wringod out of Wine-lees that re- 

With this hard fare (for by reason of our great want 
of drinke, wee durst eate but very litle), wee continued 
for the space of a fourtnight or thereabouts : Saving that 
now and then wee feasted for it in the meane time : And 
that was when there fell any haile or raino : the haile-stones 
wee gathered up, and did eate them more pleasantly then if 
they had bene the sweetest Comfits in the world : The raine- 
drops were so carefully saved, that so neere as wee coulde, 
not one was lost in all our shippe. Some hanged up sheetes 
tied with cordes by the foure corners, and a weight in the 
midst that the water might runne downe thither, and so be 
received into some vessell set or hanged undemeth : Some 
that wanted sheetes, hanged up nakins,^ and cloutes, and 
watched them till they were thorow wet, then wringing and 
sucking out the water. 

And that water which fell downe and washed away 

1 See note 1, page 28. Shakespeare also makes use of this expression 
in Act I, Scene 4, of the Twelfth Night:— 

Maria, — ** Will you hoist your sail, sir? 

Here lies your way." 
Viola. — " No, good swabber ; l&m to hull here 
A little longer." 

' Napkins, or handkerchiefs. 




Cvum- ^^® ^*'^ ^^^ soyling of the shippe, trod under foote, as 
»»d^ot!« bad as running downe the kennell many times when it 
raineth, was not lost, I warrant you, but watched and 
attended carefully (yea, sometimes with strife and con- 
tention) at every scupper-hole, and other place where 
it ranne downe, with dishes, pots, Cannes, and Jarres, 
whereof some drunke hearty draughts even as it was, mud 
and all, without tarrying to dense or settle it : Others 
cleansed it first, but not ofben, for it was so thicke and went 
so slowly thorow, that they might ill endure to tary so long, 
and were loth to loose too much of such precious stuffe : 
some licked with their tongues (like dogges) the boards 
under feete, the sides, railes, and Masts of the shippe : 
others that were more ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes 
about the Mastes, dawbing tallow betwixt them and the 
Maste (that the raine might not runne downe betweene), 
in such sort, that those ropes or girdles hanging lower on 
the one side then on the other, a spout of leather was 
fastened to the lowest part of them, that all the raine drops 
that came running downe the Maste, might meete together 
at that place, and there be received. 

Hee that got a canne of water by these meanes was 
spoken of, sued to, and envied as a rich man. Qu&m pul- 
chrum digito monstrari & dicier hie est ?^ 

Some of the poore Spaniards that we had taken (who, 
notwithstanding, had the same allowance that our owne 
men had) would come and crave of us, for the love of God, 
but so much water as they could holde in the hollow of 
their hand : and they had it, notwithstanding our great ex- 
tremitie, to teache them some human i tie in stead of their 
accustomed barbaritie, both to us and other nations here- 
tofore. They put also bullets of lead into their mouthes to 
slake their thirst. 

Now, in every comer of the shippe were heard the 

> This may be rendered, literally, aa— " How fine a thing it is to be 
pointed out by the finger, and to hear the buzz of, * Here he comes'." 


lamentable cries of sicke and wounded men, sounding wo- ccMiiBi 
fully in our eares, crying oufe, and pitifully complaining for s.Jv'otIgi 
want of drinke, being readie to die, yea many dying for - 

lacke thereof, so as by reason of this great extremitie we 
lost many more men then wee had done all the voyage be- 
fore : haying before this time bene so well and sufficiently 
provided for, that we lived in manor as well and healthfully, 
and died as few as if wee had bene in England, whereas 
now lightly every day some were cast overboord. 

But the second day of December, 1589, was a festivall 
day with us, for then it rained a good pace, and wee saved 
some pretie store of raine water (though wee were well wet 
for it, and that at midnight), and filled our skins full be- 
sides: notwithstanding it were muddie and bitter with 
washing the shippe, but (with some sugar, which we had 
to sweeten it withall) it went merrily downe; yet re- 
membred we and wished for with all our hearts, many a 
Conduit, pumpe, spring, and streame of cleare sweete run- 
ning water in England: And how miserable wee had ac- 
compted some poore soules whom we had seene driven for 
thirst to drinke thereof, and how happy we would now have 
thought our selves if we might have had our fills of the 
same : yet should wee have fared the better with this our 
poore feasting, if we might have had our meate and drinke 
(such and so much as it was) stand quietly before us : but, 
beside all the former extremities, wee were so tossed and 
turmoiled with such horrible stormie and tempestuous 
weather, that every man had best holde fast his Canne, cup, 
and dish in his hands, yea, and himselfe too, many times, by 
the ropes, railes, or sides of the ship, or else he should 
soone finde all under feete. 

Herewith, our maine saile was tome from the yarde and 
blowne over boord quite away into the sea without recovery, 
and our other sailes so rent and tome (from side to side, 
some of them), that hardly any of them escaped hole. The 


^^M- ^®S^°ff waves and foming surges of the sea came rowling 
sed VoTAOB ^^^^ mountaines one after another, and overraked the waste 

"' of the shippe like a mightie river running over it ; whereas, 

in faire weather, it was noere 20 foote above the water, 
that nowe wee might cry out with the princely Prophet, 
Psalme 107, vers. 26. They mount up to heaven, and de- 
scend to the deepe, so that their soule melteth away for 
trouble : they reele too and fro, and stagger like a drunken 
man, and all their cunning is gone. 

With this extremitie of foule weather, the ship was so 
tossed and shaken, that by the cracking noise it made, and 
by the leaking which was now much more than ordinary, 
wee were in great feare it would have shaken in sunder, 
so that now also we had just cause to pray a litle other- 
wise then the Poet, though marring the Verse, yet mending 
the meaning. 

Deus marifi & Coeli, quid enim nisi vota supcrsiint, 
Solvere quassatse parcito membra ratis.^ 

Notwithstanding, it pleased God of his great goodnesse 
to deliver us out of this danger. Then, forthwith a new 
maine saile was made and fastened to the yard, and the rest 
repaired, as time and place would suffer : which we had no 
sooner done, but yet againe wee were troubled with as great 
extremitie as before, so that againe we were like to have 
lost our new maine saile, had not Master William Antony, 
the Master of the ship, himselfe (when none else would or 
durst) ventured, with danger of drowning, by creeping along 
upon the maine yarde (which was let downe close to the 
railes) to gather it up out of the sea, and to fasten it thereto, 
being in the meane while oft-times ducked over head and 
eares into the sea. 

These stormes were so terrible, that there were some in 

1 Which may be translated as follows : — 

** (jod of sea and sky, we pray (for what can now avail but prayer?), 
we pray thee, refrain to loosen the ribs of our tempest-tossed bark !" 


our companj^ which confessed ther had gone to seas for the ^^^' 
space of 20 yeeres, and had never scene the like, and vowed ^'^Im 

that if ever they returned safe home, they would never 

come to Sea againe. 

The last of November, at night, we met with an English 
ship, out of which (because it was too late that night) it was 
agreed that we should have had the next morning two or 
three Tunnes of wine, which, as they said, was al the pro- 
vision of drink they had, save only a But or two, which 
they must needs reserve for their owne use : but after that, 
we heard of them no more, till they were set on ground 
upon the coast of Ireland, where it appeared that they 
might have spared us much more then they pretended they 
could, so as they might wel have relieved our great necessi- 
ties, and have had sufficient for themselves besides, to bring 
them into England. 

The first of December, at night, we spake with another 
English ship, and had some beere out of her, but not suffi- 
cient to carry us into England, so that wee were constrained 
to put into Ireland, the winde so serving. 

The next day we came to an anker, not far from the S. 
Kelmes, under the land and winde, where we were some- 
what more quiet, but (that being no safe harbour to ride in) 
the next morning wee went about to weigh anker, but 
having some of our men hurt at the Capsten, wee wore 
faine to give over and leave it behinde, holding on our 
course to Ventre haven,^ where wee safely arrived the same 
day, that place being a very safe and convenient harbor 
for us, that now wee might sing, as we had just cause : 
They that goe downe to the sea, &c. 

So soone as we had ankered here, my Lord went foorth- 

with to shoare, and brought presently fresh water and fresh 

victuals, as Muttons, pigges, hennes, &c., to refresh his 

company withall. Notwithstanding himsolfe had lately 

^ Yentry harbour, on the north side of Dingle Bay. 

88 "port after stormie seas/' 

^5JJ^®^ bene very weake, and tasted of the same extremitie that his 
8bd vot'oi! Company did : For, in the time of our former want, having 
—"""""^ a little fresh water left him remaining in a pot, in the night 
it was broken, and the water dranke and dried np. 

Soone after, the sicke and wounded men were carried to the 
next principall Towne, called Dingenacush,^ being about three 
miles distant from the foresaide haven, where our shippe 
roade, to the Eastwards, that there they might be the better 
refreshed, and had the Chirurgians dayly to attend upon 
them. Here we wel refreshed our selves, whilst the Irish 
harpe sounded sweetely in our eares, and here we, who for 
the former extremities were in maner halfe dead, had our 
lives (as it were) restored unto us againe. 

This Dingenacush is the chiefe Towne in al that part of 
Ireland, it cosisteth but of one maine streete, from whence 
some smaller doe proceede on either side. It hath had 
gates (as it seemeth), in times past, at either ende to open 
and shut as a Towne of warre, and a Castle also. The 
houses are very strongly built with thicke stone walles, and 
narrow windowes like unto Castles : for, as they confessed, 
in time of trouble, by reason of the wilde Irish or otherwise, 
they used their houses for their defence as Castles. The Castle 
and all the houses in the Towne, save foure, were won, 
burnt, and ruinated by the Erie of Desmond.^ 

> Probably the present town of Dingle, or Milltown. 

' Geron FitzGerald, sixteenth Earl of Desmond, was the owner of 
enormous estates. His property was said to exceed 600,000 acres (Eng- 
lish measure), and was equal, in extent, to four counties. He sat in the 
Parliament held at Dublin in January 1559. Of a restless and ambitious 
character, he rose in rebellion, but, although nobly supported by his clan 
the Geraldines, he was eventually surprised and killed in his bed. His 
head was sent by the Earl of Ormond to Queen Elizabeth, who caused 
it to be fixed on London Bridge, as a warning to all rebels and traitors. 

The head of the family, the Earl of Kildare, died in the Tower the 
following year. 

Geron's son, James, the seventeenth Earl, was bom in England, and 
was the godson of Queen Elizabeth. 


These foare honses fortified themselves against hiocij and q^^ 
withstood him and all his power perforce, so as he could sboVot'm 
not winne them. — — 

There remaineth yet a thicke stone wall that passeth 
overthwart the midst of the streete which was a part of 
their fortification. Notwithstanding whilest thej thos de- 
fended themselves, as some of them yet alive confessed, 
thej were driven to as great extremities as the Jewes, be- 
sieged by Titns, the Romane Emperonr, insomuch that they 
were constrained to eat dead mens carcases for hunger. 
The Towne is now againe somewhat repaired, but in efiect 
there remaine but the mines of the former Towne. Com- 
monly, they have no chimneis in their houses, excepting 
them of the better sort, so that the smoake was very 
troublesom to us, while we continued there. There fewell 
is torfes, which they have very good, and whinnes or furres. 
There groweth little wood thereabouts, which maketh 
building chargeable there : as also want of lime (as they 
reported), which they are faine to fetch from farre, when 
they have neede thereof. 

But of stones there is store ynough, so that with them 
they commonly make their hedges to part ech mans ground 
from other; and the ground seemeth to be nothing else 
within but rockes and stones ; Yet it is very fruitfull and 
plentifuU of grasse, and graine, as may appeare by the 
abundance of kine and cattel there : insomuch that we had 
good muttons (though somewhat lesse then ours in Eng- 
land) for two shillings or five groates a piece, good pigges 
and hennes for 3 pence a piece. 

The greatest want is industrious, painefull, and husbandly 
inhabitants to till and trimme the ground : for the common 
sort, if they can provide sufficient to serve from hand to 
mouth, take no further care. 

Of money (as it seemeth) there is very small store 
amongst them, which perhaps was the cause that made 


Cum/, them double and triple the prizes of many things we 
SBDYoTroB bought of them, more then they were before our comming 


Good land was here to be had for foure pence the Acre, 
iJSlSd^ yeerely rent. There are Mines of Alome, Tinne, brasse, 
and yron. Stones wee sawe there as cleare as Christall, 
naturally squared like Diamonds. 

That part of the Countrey is all ful of great mountaines 
and hills, from whence came running downe the pleasant 
streames of swcete fresh running water. The naturall 
hardnesse of that Nation appeareth in this, that their small 
children runne usually in the middest of Winter up and 
downe the streetes bare-footo and bare-legged, with no 
other apparell (many times), save onely a man tell to cover 
their nakednesse. 

The chiefe oflScer of their Towne they call their Sove- 
raigne, who hath the same office and authoritie among them 
that our Maiors have with us in England, and hath his Ser- 
geants to attend upon him, and beare the Mace before him 
as our Maiors. 

We were first intertained at the Soveraignes house, 
which was one of those 4 that withstood the Erie of Des- 
mond in his rebellion. They have the same forme of Com- 
mon prayer, word for word, in Latin, that we have here in 
England. Upon the Sunday, the Soveraigne commeth into 
the Church with his Sergeant before him, and the Sheriffo 
and others of the Towne accompany him, and there they 
kneele downe, every man by himselfo privately, to make 
his prayers. After this, they rise and go out of the Church 
againe to drinke, which being done, they returne againe 
into the Church, and then the Minister beginneth prayers. 

Their manor of baptizing difiereth something from ours : 
part of the service belonging thereto is repeated in Latin, 
and part in Irish. The Minister taketh the child in his 
hands, and first dippeth it backwards, and then forwards. 


over head and eares into the cold water in the midst of Kf^^ov 
Winter, whereby also may appeare their natorall hardnesse s»^\>\I«« 
(as before was specified). 

They had neither BeO^ dmm^ nor tmmpet, to call the 
Parishioners together, but they expect till their Soveraigne 
came, and then they that have any devotion follow him. 

They make their bread all in cakes, and, for the tenth 
part, the bakers bake for all the towne. 

We had of them some 10 or 11 Tonnes of beere for the 
Victory; but it proved like a present purgation to them 
that tooke it, so that we chose rather to drinke water 
then it. 

The 20 of December we loosed fro hence, having well 
provided our selves of fresh water, and other things neces- 
sary, being accompanied with sir Edw. Dennie, his Lady, 
and two yong sonnes. 

This day, in the morning, my Lord going aslioare to dis- 
patch away speedily some fresh water that remained for the 
Victory, the winde being very faire for us, brought us newes 
that there were 60 Spanish prizes taken and brought to 
England. For two or three dayes wee had a faire winde ; 
but afterwards it scanted so, that (as I said before) we were 
faine to keepe a cold Christmas with The Bishop and his 

After this, we met with an English ship, that brought us 
joyful news of 91 Spanish prizes that were come to Eng- 
land : and sorrow full newes withall, that the last and best 
prize we tooke had suffered shipwracke at a place upon the 
coast of Cornwal, which the Cornish men cal Als Efferne, 
that is, Hel-cliffe, and that Captaine Lister and all the men captaine 
in the ship were drowned, save 5 or G, the one halfe Eng- urownod. 
lish, the other Spanish, that saved themselves with swim- 
ming : but, notwithstanding much of the goods wore saved, 
and reserved for us, by sir Francis Godolphin, and the 
worshipful gentlemen of the Countrey there. My Lord 


cvum- ^^^ ^^^7 sorry for Captaine Lister's death, wishing that he 

sbd vot!ob had lost his voyage to have saved his life. 

' The 29 of December we met with another shippe, that 

tolde as the same newes^ and that sir Martin Frobisher, and 
Captaine Keymond had taken the Admirall and Vice- 
Admirall of the Fleet that we espied going to Tercera 
haven. But the Admiral was sunke with much leaking, 
neere to the Idy Stone^^ a rocke that lieth over against 
Pli mouth sounds and the men were saved. 

This ship also certified us that Captain Prestons ship had 
taken a prize loden with silver. My Lord entred presently 
into this^ and went to Falmouth^ and we held on our course 
for Plimouth. At night, wee came neere to the Kam-head* 
(the next Cape Westwards from Plimouth sound), but we 
were afraid to double it in the nighty misdoubting the scant- 
nesse of the winde. So we stood ofi* to Sea halfe the night, 
dnd towards morning had the winde more large, and made 
too little spare thereof, that partly for this cause, and 
partly through mistaking of the land, wee were driven so 
much to lee-wards, that we could not double that Cape : 
Therefore, we returned backe againe, and came into Fal- 
mouth haven, where wee strucke on ground in 17 foote 
water : but it was a low ebbe, and ready againe to flowe, 
and the ground soft, so as no hurt was done. Here, with 
gladnesse, wee set foote againe upon the English ground 
(long desired) and refreshed our selves with keeping part of 
Christmas upon our native soile. 

» The Eddystone. 

* Kame-bead is the extreme point of the promontory forming the 
western boundary of Plymouth Sound. 

The last voTa^e of xhe wr.riii-ri^ >L Tb 

CADdisli, eq^irt. ^tesiisii f ;r li* S:«=::k sa. tiie Pifliiccsni. 
and theoofts <3^C^=u. vr:^ 3 ulI 

■a a 9 _' .1 

Thi 26 of Angustj 1-5S>1, vee departed from Flimmoath with 
3 tall ships and two bari^es, the GaUon, wherein M. Candish 
went himselfe, being Admiral ; The B*>Ebu/rke, rice admirall, 
whereof M. Cocke was Captaine; The D^^ire, Rere-admirall, 
whereof was Captaine M. lohn Daris .^with whom, and for 
whose sake, I went this voyage) ; The Black pinnesfe,^ and 
a barke of M. Adrian Gilbert' whereof M. Randolfe Cotton 
was Captaine. 

The 29th of November wee fell with the bay of Salvador* Barmde 


npon the coast of Brasil, 12 leagues on this side Cabo Fno> 
where wee were becalmed nntill the second of December : 
at which time wee tooke a small barke bound for the River a bwke 


of Plate with sugar, haberdash wares, and Negros. The 
Master of this barke brought us unto an vie called Placen- c»boFrio. 

I«la de 

cia,* thirtie leagues West from Cabo Frio, where wee Pi*c«ncia. 
arrived the fift of December, and rifled sixe or seven houses 
inhabited by Portugales. 

The 11, wee departed from this place, and the four- 
teenth we arrived at the ylo of S. Sebastian*: from ?'•''•."• 

^ The account of thlB Tojago is taken from the third volume of llak- 
luyt, Edition 1600. 

« Commanded by Captain Tobio. ■ Tlie Daintir, 

« St. Salvador or Campoe, in 21'' 48' S. latitude. Hiit ii not to Ihi 
confounded with St. Salvador or fiahia, further north. 

* In all probability Ihla Grande. 


Cakdish'b whence M. Cocke and Captaine Davis presently departed 
Booth "ska. ^^^^ The Bcsive and the blacke pinnesse, for the taking 
''—— of the towno of Santos.^ The 15, at evening, we anckered 
at the barre of Santos, from whence we departed with 
our boates to the towne; and the next morning, about 
nine of the clocke, wee came to Santos, where, being 
discovered, wee were inforced to land with 24 gentlemen, 
our long boate being farre a sterne, by which expedi- 
tion wee tooke all the people of the towne at Masse, both 
men and women, whom wee kept all that day in the Church 
as prisoners. The cause why master Candish desired to 
take this towne, was to supply his great wants : For, being 
o?8anto6* ^ Santos, and having it in quiet possession, wee stood in 
^*^^^' assurance to supply all our needes in great abundance. But 
such was the negligence of our governour, master Cocke, 
that the Indians were suflTered to carry out of the towne 
whatsoever they would in open viewe, and no man did con- 
troll them: and the next day, after wee had wonne the 
towne, our prisoners were all set at libertie, onely foure 
poore olde men were kept as pawnes to supply our wants. 
Thus, in three dayes, the towne that was able to furnish 
such another Fleete with all kinde of necessaries, was left 
unto us nakedly bare, without people and provision. 

Eight or tenne dayes after, master Candish himselfe came 
thither, where hee remained untill the 22 of January, seek- 
ing by intreatie to have that whereof we were once pos- 
sessed. But, in conclusion, wee departed out of the towne 
through extreeme want of victuall, not being able any 
longer to live there, and were glad to receive a fewe 
canisters or baskets of Cassavi meale -^ so that in every con- 

> Santos is situated to the westward of Rio de Janeiro, in 23'' 56' S. lat. 

• The Mandioc plant (Manihot utiiissima), a Euphorbiacse. The 
root of this shrub is full of venomous juice, which is a deadly poison. 
The mode of preparation is to rasp the roots, then bruise the pulp, and 
wash thoroughly. In this way, the venom is washed out, and the residue 
becomes Cassava. The powder which floats ofif in the water is a pure 
starch, which, when allowed to settle, becomes Tapioca. 


difeion wee went worse furnished from the towne, then when ^vi^orkam 
wee came unto it. Bo^;;"... 

The 22 of January, we departed from Santos, and burnt 

Sant Vincent to the ground. The 24, we set saile, shaping 3? s^vln? ^ 
our course for the Streights of Magellan. bum«d. 

The seventh of February, we had a very great storme, 
and the eighth our Fleet was separated by the fury of the 
tempest. Then our Captaine called unto him the Master 
of our ship, whom hee found to be a very honest and suflB- 
cient man, and conferring with him, he concluded to goe 
for Port Desire,^ which is in the Southerly latitude of 48 
degrees ; hoping that the Generall would come thither, be- 
cause that in his first voyage he had found great reliefe 
there. For our Captaine could never get any direction 
what course to take in any such extremities, though many 
times hee had intreated for it, as often I have heard him 
with griefe report. In sayling to this port, by good chance 
we met with The Roe-hucke, wherein master Cocke had en- 
dured great extremities, and had lost his boate, and there- 
fore desired our Captaine to keepe him company, for hee 
was in very desperate case. Our Captaine hoised out his 
boate, and went abord him to know his estate, and return- 
ing tolde us the hardnesse thereof, and desired the Master 
and all the company to be carefuU in all their watches not 
to loose The Roe-bucke, and so wee both arrived at Port They arrive 

' at Fort 

Desire the sixth of March. ^^^• 

The 16 of March, The BlacJce Pinncsse came unto us, but 
master Gilbert^s barke came not, but returned home to m. Adrian 
Enerland, haviner their Captaine abord the Roe-hucke with- barke re- 

^ , , ^ turneth for 

out any provision more then the apparell that hee wore, England, 
who came from thence abord our ship to remaine with 

1 Fort Desire is on the east coast of Patagonia, situated between the 
forty-seyenth and forty- eighth parallels of latitude. It was at this place 
that Captain Doughty was executed by order of Sir Francis Drake, for 
inciting the company to mutiny. 


iSd^ot"oi ^°^ Captaine, by reason of the great friendship botweone 
boutm'sba. them. The 18, the Oaleon came into the road, and master 

Candish came into the harborough in a boat which he had 

made at sea; for his long boat and light-horseman^ were 

bufit^r** '^^^ ^^ ^^^' *® ^^^ * pinnesse which he had built at Santos : 
®*'*'**" and being abord Th€ Desire, he tolde our Captaine of all 
his extremities, and spake most hardly of his company, and 
of divers gentlemen that were with him, purposing no more 
to goe abord his owne ship, but to stay in The Desire. We 
all sorrowed to heare such hard speaches of our good friends; 
but having spoken with the gentlemen of the Oaleon, wee 
fonnd them faithfull, honest, and resolute in proceeding, 
although it pleased our Generall otherwise to conceive of 

The 20 of March, we departed from Port Desire, master 
Candish being in The Desire with us. The eighth of April, 
^S^ 1592, wee fell with the Streights of Magellan, induring 
lu^SiML many furious stormes betweene Port Desire and the Streight. 
The 14, we passed through the first Streight. The 16, we 
passed the second Streight, being ten leagues distant from 
the first. 

The 18, we doubled Cape Froward,^ which Cape lieth in 
53 degrees and ^. 

The 21, wee were inforced by the fury of the weather to 
put into a small coove with our ships, 4 leagues from the 
said Cape, upon the South shoare, where wee remained 
until the 15 of May. In the which time, wee indured ex- 
treeme stormes, with perpetual snow, where many of our 
men died with cursed famine, and miserable cold, not having 
wherewith to cover their bodies, nor to fill their bellies, but 

^ A '^ light horseman*^ was a f ast-pulllDg boat, eimilar to the modern 

• Cape Froward is in 63' 53' S. latitude. It is situated half-way 

through the Strait of Magellan, and is the southern extreme of South 



living by muskles,^ water, and weeds of the sea, with a 22d voTA<f» 
small reliefe of the ships store in meale sometimes. And soutoVxa. 
all the sicke men in the Oaleon were most nncharitably 
put a shore into the woods in the snowe, raine, and cold, 
when men of good health could skarcely indure it, where 
they ended their lives in the highest degree of misery, 
master Candish all this while being abord The Desire.^ In 
these great extremities of snow and cold, doubting what 
the ende would be, he asked our Captaines opinion, because 
he was a man that had good experience of the Northwest 
parts, in his 3 severall discoveries that way, imployed by 
the marchants of London. Our Captaine tolde him that 
this snowe was a matter of no long continuance, and gave 
him sufficient reason for it, and that thereby hee could not 
much be prejudiced or hindered in his proceeding. Not- 
withstanding, he called together all the company, and tolde 
them that he purposed not to stay in the Streights, but to 
depart upon some other voyage, or else to retume againe 
for Brasil. But his resolution was to goe for the Gape of 

> Mussels. 

* A very graphic, but, I fear, unreliable, account of the adventures 
of Master Antonic Knivet, who alone survived this barbarous treatment, 
will be found in the fourth part of Purchas his Pilgrimes, page 1201, 
Edition 1625. At page 1193 of the same volume will be found Caven- 
dishes own account of the extremities his men were reduced to, in the 
following words : — 

^^ And after that the moneth of May was come in, nothing but such 
flights of Snow, and extremities of Frost, as In all the time of my life, 
I never saw any to be compared with them. This extremitie caused the 
weake men (in my ship onely) to decay ; for in seven or eight dayes, in 
this extremitie there dyed fortie men and sickened seventie, so that there 
were not fif tie men that were able to stand upon the hatches. I finding 
this miserable calamitie to fall upon me, and found that besides the 
decay of my men, and expence of my victuall, the snow and frost de- 
cayed our sailes and tackle, and the contagiousnesse of the place to bee 
such, for extremitie of frost and snow, as there was no longer staying, 
without the utter mine of us aU.** 



iFD^orloi ^^®^* Esperan9a.^ The company answered, that if it 
boutm"ii. pleased him, they did desire to stay Gods favour for a 

winde, and to indure all hardnesse whatsoever, rather then 

to give over the voyage, considering they had bene here 
but a smal time, and because they were within fourtie 
leagues of the South sea, it grieved them now to returne ; 
notwithstanding, what hee purposed, that they would per- 

So hee concluded to goe for the Cape of Buena Esperanqa, 
and to give over this voyage. Then our Captaine, after 
master Candish was come abord The Desire from talking 
with the company, tolde him, that if it pleased him to con- 
sider the great extremitie of his estate, the slendernesse of 
his provisions, with the weakenesse of his men, it was no 
course for him to proceed in that newe enterprize : for if 
the rest of your shippes (said hee) bee furnished answerable 
to this, it is impossible to performe your determination : for 
wee have no more sailes then mastes, no victuals, no ground- 
tackling, no cordage more then is overhead, and among 
seventie and five persons, there is but the Master alone 
that can order the shippe, and but foureteene saylers. 
The rest are gentlemen, serving men, and artificers. There- 
fore, it will be a desperate case to take so hard an enter- 
prize in hand. These persuasions did our Captaine not 
onely use to master Candish, but also to master Cocke.^ In 
fine, upon a petition delivered in writing by the chiefe of the 
whole company, the Oenerall determined to depart out of 
The Streights of Magellan, and to returne againe for Santos 
in Brasil.' 

1 The Cape of Good Hope. 

* The captain of the Roebuck. 

* According to Cavendish, this petition, or ^^ hamble supplication'^ 
was as follows : — 

^* That first they protested, to spend their lives most willingly for my 
sake, and that their love was such to me, as their chief est care was for 
mee, and they grieved very much to see mee put on a resolution which 


So the 15 of May wee set saile, the Generall then being 2kd'vot"o» 
in the Oaleon. The eighteenth wee were free of the sou»h"ra. 
Streights, but at Cape Froward it was our hard hap to have 

They ro« 

our boat sunke at our steme in the night, and to be split tume from 
and sore spoiled, and to loose all our ores. SDT^lian **' 

The twentieth of May being thwart of Port Desire, in the 
night the Generall altered his course, as we suppose, by 
which occasion wee lost him : for in the evening he stood ^J® ^*** 
close by a winde to seaward, having the winde at North- JSJieraiK* 
northeast,^ and wee standing the same way, the winde not 
altering, could not the next day see him : so that we then 
persuaded our selves that hee was gone for Port Desire to 
relieve himselfe, or that hee had sustained some mischance 
at Sea, and was gone thither to remedy it.^ Whereupon 

(as they snppoBed) would be the end of my life, which waa their greatest 
griefe. And next their owne lives, would immediately follow, both by 
reason of the length of the course, all which they must performe without 
reliefe. And further we had not left foure moneths victualls which might 
very well be spent in running a course not halfe so long. But if it would 
please me to returne againe for the coast of Brasile (where they knew 
my force being together, was able to take any place), there we might 
both provide victuall to returne againe, and furnish our selves of all 
other such wants as these extremities had brought upon us, and at a 
seasonable time returne againe, and so performe our first intentions." 

Cavendish sums up by saying that it was at last agreed ^* to goe backe 
againe for that most wicked coast of Brasile", — an event, as he says, 
that ** they so much seemed to desire and I so much hated.** — Purchas, 
part iv, p. 1192. 

* The ships, being ^* closed-hauled", would therefore be steering nearly 
a due east course. 

' The separation of the ships is thus alluded to by Cavendish: ^^In the 
latitude of fortie seven, in which place Davis in the Desire^ and my 
Pinnasse, lost me in the night, after which time I never heard of them, 
but (as I since understood) Davis, his intention was ever to run away". 
He goes on to say : '^ The ships being parted from us, wee little suspect- 
ing any treacherie, the Roebucke and my selfe helde our course for 
Brasile". He attributes bis subsequent misfortunes entirely to the sup- 
posed desertion of Davis and the little pinnace, for he says — ^^ had not 
these two small ships parted from us, we would not have mis-carried on 
th^coast of Brasile ; for the only decay of us was that we could not get 

H 2 


aS»voT"oE ^^^ Captaine called the Generals men unto him, with the 
BoOTH^siA. rest, and asked their opinion what was to bee done. Every 

one sayde^ that they thought that the General! was gone for 

Port Desire. Then the Master, being the Generals man, 
and carefuU of his masters service, as also of good judge- 
ment in Sea-matters, tolde the company howe dangerous it 
was to goe for Port Desire, if wee shoulde there misse the 
Generall : for (saide hee) wee have no boate to lande our 
selves, nor any cables nor anckers that I dare trust in so 
quicke streames as are there : yet in all likelyhood, con- 
cluding that the Generall was gone thither, wee stayed our 
course for Port Desire, and by chance mette with the 
Black pinnesse, which had likewise lost the Fleete, being in 
very miserable case : so wee both concluded to seeke the 
Generall at Port Desire. 
Thevoome The sixo and twentieth day of May we came to Port 
^^Dwiro Desire, where not finding our Generall, as we hoped, being 
^^' most slenderly victualled, without sailes, boate, ores, nailes, 

cordage, and all other necessaries for our reliefe, wee were 
strooken into a deadly sorrow. But referring all to the 
providence and fatherly protection of the Almightie, wee 
^j^^®' entered the harbour, and by Gods favour found a place of 
quiet roade, which before wee knewe not. Having mored 
our shippe with the pinnesses boate wee landed upon the 
ftwh*w»ter ^^^^^ shore, where wee found a standing poole of fresh 
8ide**of^ort wat^r, which by estimation might holde some tenne tunnes, 
^^^' whereby wee were greatly comforted. From this poole wee 
fet more then fortie tunnes of water, and yet we left the 

into their barred harboura", — ^the Leicester and Roebuck drawing too 
much water to enable them to cross the bars of the rivers, into which 
they would otherwise have entered for provisions, water, and other 

After enduring great hardships, and su£Fering the loss of a great num- 
ber of men who were killed by the Portuguese and Indians, Cavendish 
died of a broken heart on the homeward voyage, and was buried at sea. 
His letter was brought to England, and published by Furchas in his 


poole as full as wee found it. And because at our first jJi^S"^, 
being in this harbour wee were at this place and found no south"s«a. 

water, we persuaded our selves that God had sent it for our 

reliefe. Also there were such extraordinary low ebbes as 
we had never scene, whereby wee got muskles in great 
plentie. Likewise God sent about our shippes great abun- q}^^^^^^ 
dance of smelts, so that with hookes made of pinnes every *^ "*«>**■• 
man caught as many as hee could eate : by which meanes 
wee preserved our ship's victuals, and spent not any during 
the time of our abode here. 

Our Captaine and Master falling into the consideration of 
our estate and dispatch to goe to the Generall, found our 
wants so great, as that in a moneth wee coulde not fitte our 
shippe to set saile. For wee must needes set up a Smiths 
forge, to make boltes, spikes, and nayles, besides the 
repairing of our other wants. Whereupon they concluded 
it to bee their best course to take the pinnesse, and to fur- 
nish her with the best of the company, and to goe to the 
Generall with all expedition, leaving the shippe and the rest 
of the company untill the Generals retume ; for hee had 
vowed to our Captaine that hee would retume againe for 
the Streights, as hee had tolde us. The Captaine and 
Master of the pinnesse, being the Generals men, were well 
contented with the motion. 

But the Generall having in our shippe two most pestilent 
fellowes, when they heard of this determination, they utterly 
misliked it. and in secret dealt with the company of both ^ danprer- 
shippes, vehemently persuading them that our Captaine 
and Master would leave them in the countrey to bee 
devoured of the Canibals, and that they were mercilesse and 
without charitie : whereupon the whole company joyned in 
secret with them in a night to murther our Captaine and 
Master, with my selfe, and all those which they thought 
were their friendes. There were markes taken in his caben 
bowe to kill him with muskets through the shippes side, 


c^irsxsR'i and bullets made of silver* for the execution, if their other 
South "sea. purposcs should faile. All agreed hereunto, except it were 
■ the bote-swaine of our shippe, who, when hee knewe the 

matter, and the slender ground thereof, reveiled it unto our 
Master, and so to the Captaine. Then the matter being 
called in question, those two most murtherous fellowes 
were found out, whose names were Charles Parker and 
Edward Smith. 

The Captaine being thus hardly beset, in perill of famine, 
and in danger of murthering, was constrained to use lenitie, 
and by courteous meanes to pacific this furie : shewing that 
to doe the Generall service, unto whom he had vowed faith 
in this action, was the cause why hee purposed to goe unto 
him in the pinnesse, considering that the pinnesse was so 
necessary a thing for him, as that hee could not bee without 
her, because hee was fearefuU of the shore in so great 
shippes. Whereupon all cried out with cursing and 
swearing, that the pinnesse should not goe unlesse the 
shippe went. Then the Captaine desired them to shewe 
themselves Christians, and not so blasphemously to behave 
themselves, without regard or thankesgiving to God for 
their great dehverance and present sustenance bestowed 
upon them, alleaging many examples of Gods sharpe punish- 
ment for such ingratitude; and withall promised to doe 
any thing that might stand with their good liking. By 
which gentle speaches the matter was pacified, and the 
Captaine and Master, at the request of the company, were 
content to forgive this great treachery of Parker and Smith, 
who, after many admonitions, concluded in these wordes : 

^ It was thought by the superstitious that some people bore enchanted 
lives, which were proof against everything but a sQver bullet. In later 
days, Claverhouse, according to Sir Walter Scott, was killed on the 
field of Killiecrankie by his own waiting-man Mackay , who had loaded his 
piece with a silver button which he had cut off his own coat. It was 
believed by the Covenanters that Claverhouse had obtained from the 
Devil a charm against leaden bullets. 


The Lord judge betweene you and mee : whicli after came jSi^o"©! 
to a most sharpe revenge even by the punishment of the south"«a. 

Almightie.^ Thus by a generall consent, it was concluded 

not to depart, but there to stay for the General's retume. 
Then our Captaine and Master^ seeing that they could not 
doe the Generall that service which they desired, made a 
motion to the companie that they would lay downe under 
their handes the losing of the Generally with the extremities 
wherein we then stoode : whereunto they consented^ and 
wrote under their handes as followeth. 

The testimoniall of the companie of '^ The Desire^' touching 
their losing of their Oene^all, which appeareth to have 
beene utterly against their meanings. 

The 26 of August 1591 wee whose names bee here under 
written, with divers others departed from Plimmouth under 
M. Thomas Candish^ our Generall, with 4 ships of his^ to 
wit. The Galeon, The Robuck, The Desire, and The Blache 
pinnesse} for the performance of a voyage into The South 
sea. The 19 of November we fell with the bay of Salvador, 
in Brasil; The 16 of December we tooke the towne of 
Santos, hoping there to revictuall our selves, but it fell not 
out to our contentment. The 24 of January we set saile 
from Santos, shaping our course for The Streights of 
Magellan. The 8 of Februarie by violent stormes the sayde 
fleete was parted : The Robuck and The Desire arrived in 
Porte Desire the 6 of March. The 16 of March the Blanche 
pinnesse arrived there also : and the 18 of the same our 
admirall came into the roade : with whom we departed the 
20 of March in poore and weake estate. The 8 of A prill 
1592 we entred The Streights of Magellan. The 21 of 
Aprill wee ankered beyond Cape Froward, within 40 leagues 

1 As will be seen at page 120. 

* Through inadyertence, or other cause, the name of Adrian Gilbert's 
bark, the Daintie, is here omitted. 



sSoYmoB ^^ '^^^ South sea, where wee rode untill the 15 of May. 

bodth'sba. I^ which time wee had great store of snowe, with some 
gustie weather, the wind continuing still at Westnorthwest 
against us. In this time wee were inforced, for the pre- 
serving of our victuals, to live the most part upon muskles, 
our provision was so slender ; so that many of our men died 
in this hard extremitie. Then our General returned for 
Brasil, there to winter, and to procure victuals for this 
voyage against the next yeere. So we departed The 
Streights the 15 of May. The 21 being thwart of Port 
Desire, 30 leagues ofi the shoare, the wind then at North- 
east and by North, at five of the clock at night lying North- 
east, wee suddenly cast about lying South-east and by 
Southland sometimes Southeast :^ the whole fleete following 
the admirall, our ship comming under his lee, shot ahead 

The maner him^ and SO framed saile fit to keepe companie. This night 

G«QOT^ wee were severed, by what occasion wee protest wee know 
not, whither we lost them or they us. In the morning we 
only saw The Blade pinnesae, then supposing that the 
admirall had overshot us. All this day wee stoode to 
the Eastwards, hoping to find him, because it was not 
likely that he would stand to the shoare againe so suddenly. 
But missing him towards night, we stood to the shoare- 

I It is difficult to reconcile this statement with that made at page 99, 
where it is distinctly recorded that the admiral ^^ stood close by a winde 
to sea- ward". In this account the ships are made to sail within one 
point of the wind, which is an utter impossibility. They are then said 
to have ** cast about*\ and sailed to the south-east, an objectless 
manoeuvre, as it would be taking them, wiih a fair voind^ exactly in the 
opposite direction to that in which they wanted to proceed. 

My impression is, that the ships of the squadron were steering about 
north-west, and that in the evening, not wishing to get too close to the 
land during the night, they tacked and stood to the eastward. That they 
separated during the night is, however, quite evident from both state- 
ments, although one leads us to suppose that the Blacke Pimiesse was 
accidentally fallen in with by Davis on his way to Port Desire, whilst 
the other infers that she was in sight at daylight the following mornings 


ward, hoping by that course to finde him. The 22 of jJ^'J^'" 
May at night we had a violent storme, with the winde at south"«x. 
Northwest, and wee were inforced to hull,^ not being able ' 
to beare saile, and this night we perished oar maine tressle- 
trees,^ so that wee coald no more use onr maine top-saile, 
lying most dangerously in the sea. The pinnesse likewise 
received a great leake, so that wee were inforced to seeke 
the next shoare for our reliefe. 

And because famine was like to bee the best ende, wee 
desired to goe for Port Desire, hoping with seales and pen- 
guins to relieve our selves, and so to make shift to followe 
the Generall, or there to stay his comming from Brasil. 
The 24 of May wee had much winde at North. The 25 was 
calme, and the sea very loftie, so that our ship had dangerous 
foule weather. The 26 our fore-shrowdes' brake, so that if 
wee had not beene neere the shoare, it had beene impossible 
for us to get out of the sea. And nowe being here mored 
in Port Desire, our shroudes are all rotten, not having a 
running rope whereto wee may trust, and being provided 
onely of one shift of sailes all wome, our top-sailes not able 
to abide any stresse of weather, neither have wee any pitch, 
tarre, or nailes, nor any store for the supplying of these 
wantes : and wee live onely upon seales and muskles, having 
but five hogsheads of porke within bourd, and meale three 
ounces for a man a day, with water for to drinke. And 
forasmuch as it hath pleased God to separate our fleete, and 
to bring us into such hard extremities, that only now by 
his mere mercy we expect reliefe, though otherwise we are 

1 For explanation of this term, see note 1, page 28. See also note 1, 
page 83. 

< The trestle-trees are a couple of stout pieces of wood, or iron, fitted 
on each side of the lower mast-head for the purpose of supporting the 
heel of the topmast 

* The shrouds are that portion of the rigging which supports the mast, 
and to which the ratlines are attached by which the men are enabled 
to go aloft. 



aSDVoTXM hopQ^esse of comfort, yet because the wonderfull workes of 
Booth'ssa. Q^o^ ^^ ^18 exceeding great favour toward us his creatures 

are farre beyond the scope of mans capacitie, therefore by 

him we hope to have deliverance in this our deepe distresse. 
Also forasmuch as those upon whom God will bestow the 
favour of life, with retume home to their countrey, may not 
onely themselves remaine blamelesse, but also manifest the 
trueth of our actions, wee have thought good in Christian 
charitie to lay downe under our handes the trueth of all our 
proceedings even till the time of this our distresse. 

Given in Port Desire the 2 of June 1592. Beseching the 
almightie God of his mercie to deliver us from this miserie, 
how or when it shall please his divine Majestie.^ 

John Davis, CaptaiDe. 
Randolph Cotton.* 
John Pery. 

William Maber, gunner. 
Charles Parker. 
Rouland Miller. 
Edward Smith. 
Thomas Purpet. 
Mathew Stubbea, 
John Jenkinson. 
Thomas Edwards. 
Edward Granger. 
John Lewis. 
William Hayman. 
George Straker. 
Thomas Walbie. 
AVilliam Wyeth. 
Richard Alard. 
Stephan Popham. 
Alexander Cole. 

Thomas Watkins. 
George Cunington. 
John Whiting. 
James Ling. 
The Boat-swain. 
Francis Smith. 
John Layes. 
The Boat-swaines mate. 


John Austin. 
Francis Copstone. 
Richard Garet. 
James Eversby. 
I^icholas Parker. 
■ Leonard. 
John Pick. 


William Maber.* 
James Not. 
Christopher Hauser. 

1 John Jane, the historian of the voyage, does not appear to have 
signed this document. 

* The captain of the Daintier who had been left behind when his ship 
sailed for England, and who was Davis's guest on board the Desire. 

» A son, probably, of the gunner. 


After they had delivered this relation unto onr captaine j$i yqJ^, 
under their handes, then wee began to travell for our lives, sodth"«x. 

and wee built up a smiths forge and made a colepit, and 

burnt coles^ and there wee made nailes^ boltes^ and spikes, 
others made ropes of a peece of our cable^ and the rest 
gathered muskles and took smeltes for the whole companie. 
Three leagues from this harborough there is an Isle^ with ^^^po^ 
four small Isles about it, where there are great abundance SSJSding 
of seales, and at the time of the yeere the penguins come and pen-*" 
tbithor in great plentie to breede. Wee concluded with ^^^^^' 
the pinnesse that she should sometimes goe thither to fetch 
seales for us ; upon which condition wee would share our 
victuals with her man for man ; whereunto the whole com- 
panie agreed. So we parted our poore store, and shee 
laboured to fetch us seales to eate, wherewith wee lived 
when smeltes and muskles failed : for in the nepe streames 
wee could get no muskles. Thus in most miserable cala- 
mitio wee remained untill the sixt of August, still keeping 
watch upon the hils to looke for our Generall, and so great 
was our vexation and anguish of soule, as I thinke never 
flesh and blood endured more. Thus our miserie dayly in- 
creasing, time passing, and our hope of the Generall being 
very colde, our Captaine and Master were fully persuaded, 
that the Generall might perhaps goe directly for The 
Streights and not come to this harborough : whereupon 
they thought no course more convenient then to goe pre- 
sently for The Streights, and there to stay his comming, for 
in that place hee could not passe, but of force wee must 
see him : whereunto the companie most willingly consented, 
as also the Captaine and Master of the pinnesse ; so that 
upon this determinatian wee made all possible speede to 

They depart 

The sixt of August wee set saile and went to Penguin- ^^^^** 

Port Desire 

1 PcDguiu Island, to the southward of the River DeBu*e, in Sea Bear for The 

V, Bteeightsof 

Bay. Kagdlan. 


toY^AOB ^^'®> ^^^ ^^® next day wee salted twentie hogsheads of 
Bom"si. seales^ which was as much as our salt could possibly doe^ 

and so wee departed for The Streights the poorest wretches 

that ever were created. 

The seventh of August towarde night wee departed from 
Penguin-isle 9 shaping our course for The Streights^ where 
wee had full confidence to moete with our Generall. 

The ninth wee had a sore storme^ so that wee were con- 
strained to huU,^ for our sailes were not to indure any force. 
Oeitaine The 14 WOO Were driven in amonc^ certaine Isles never be- 

Isles never ... 

^'ojjdia- fore discovered by any knowen relation, lying fiftie leagues 
S^h!SS** o^ better from the shoare East and Northerly from The 
Bu^htB. Streights :^ in which place, unlesse it had pleased God of 

> See note 1, page 28 ; also note 1, page 83. 

* These were undoubtedly the Falkland Islands. The credit of dis- 
covering this group has been divided between Davis and Richard Uaw> 
kins ; the latter navigator, however, did not sight them until 1594, or 
two years after they had been seen by Davis. 

In spite of the claims put forward by the supporters of these naviga- 
tors, there is very conclusive evidence to prove that the Falkland Islands 
had been discovered long before the time of either Davis or Hawkins, and 
called the Ascension Islands, but by whom it is difficult to decide. Their 
discovery can hardly be ascribed to Yespucius, who, even if he made a 
voyage at all, which is by no means certain, does not pretend to have 
sailed further south than the River Plate. Magellan, during his voyage 
round the world in 1519 and 1520, makes no mention of having seen the 
group ; thus the honour of their discovery must belong to some unknown 
foreign navigator, for they appear, as the Ascension Islands, on the two 
charts constructed for Charles Y , one (anonymous) in 1527, and the other 
by Diego Ribero in 1529. This is confirmed in Dr. RohFs work, published 
in 1860, entitled Die Beiden Altesten General- Karien von Anierika, Atisge- 
fuhrt in Den Jahren 1527 und 1529. They are also to be seen under the 
same name in Gutiero^s chart, engraved at Antwerp in 1562. Also in 
the map of Ferfiao VSz Dourado, bearing date 1571. 

On Schoner^s globe, made in the year 1520, and now at Nuremberg, 
the group will be found to consist of seven islands, but named the 
Maiden Group. 

Plancius, the Dutch cosmographer, on his chart of America, also has 
the Ascension Islands, and repeats the same on his General Map, ^^Orbis 
Terrarum Typus", both of which were drawn in 1594. In the third 


his wonderful! mercie to have ceased the winde, wee must caotmh's 
of necessitie have perished. But the winde shifting to the south "ka. 

East, wee directed our course for The Streights, and the 18 

of August wee fell with the Cape^ in a very thick fogge ; 
and the same night we ankered ten leagues within the 
Cape.* The 19 day wee passed the first and the second Theflretand 


Streights. Streight. 

The 21 wee doubled Cape Proward. The 22 we ankered ^IJ!^. 
in Salvage coove,' so named^ because wee found many Sal- Sov^ 
vages there : notwithstanding the extreme colde of this 
place, yet doe all these wilde people goe naked, and live in 
the woods like Satyrs^ painted and disguised^ and flie from 
you like wilde deere. They are very strong, and threw 
stones at us of three or foure pound weight an incredible 
distance. The 24 in the morning wee departed from this 
coove, and the same day we came into the Northwest reach, The North- 

' •' ' west or last 

which is the last reach of the Streights. The 25 we an- ^jL^'J*^** 
kored in a good coove,* within fourteene leagues of the South 
sea : in this place we purposed to stay for the General, for 

Yolnme of Hakluyt, edition 1600, p. 725, under the heading, "A rattier 
or coarse to be kept for him that will sayle from Cabo Yerde to the coast 
of Brasil, and along the coast of Brasil unto the River of P]ate^^ will 
be found the following: — *'And betweene Cabo Blanco and this har- 
bour, are The Islands of Ascension, and they be eight." And, lastly, 
Humboldt says: — ^*I have found in the splendid edition of the Greography 
of Ptolemy, published at Rome in 1508, proofs of the Portuguese navi- 
gation along the east coasts of South America, which was extended 
to the fiftieth degree of South latitude/* 

Thus it will be seen that the existence of this group was known long 
before the days of either Davis or Hawkins. 

The islands are sometimes alluded to, by early writers and cosmo- 
graphers, as the Sanson, and occasionally the Simson, group ; but these 
names are evidently abbreviations of Ascension. 

> Cape Virgins, so called because sighted by Magellan on the day of 
the eleven thousand virgins. 

* The anchorage here alluded to was, in all probability, in Possession 

' lliis name is not retained on the present charts. 

* One of the numerous coves in Long Reach. 


svb^tTob *^® streight in this place is scarce three miles broad, so 
Bout "ssA. ^^^^ ^^ could not passe but we mnst see him. After we 
had stayed here a fortnight in the deep of Winter, our vic- 
tuals consuming (for our Scales stunk most vily, and our 
men died pitifully through cold and famin, for the greatest 
part of them had not clothes to defend the extremitie of 
the winters cold), being in this heavie distresse, our cap- 
taine and Master thought it the best course to depart from 
the Streights into the South sea, and to go for the Isle of 
Santa Maria,^ which is to the Northward of Baldivia^ in 37 
degrees and a quarter^ where we might have reliefe, and be 
in a temperate clime, and there stay for the General!, for of 
necessity he must come by that Isle. So we departed the 
^gJLSe* 13 of September, and came in sight of the South sea. The 
soutS Sea. 14 WO were forced backe againe, and recovered a coove 3 
Sfi<^^ leagues within the streights from the South sea. Againe 
JJJjJJl we put foorth, and being 8 or 10 leagues free of the land, the 
**™** wind rising furiously at Westnorthwest, we were in forced 

againe into the streights only for want of sails : for we 
never durst beare saile in any stresse of weather, they were 
so weake : so againe we recovered the coove three leagues 
within the streights, where we indured most furious wea- 
ther, so that one of our two cables brake, whereby we were 
hopeles of life. Yet it pleased God to calme the storme. 
They TO- and wee unrived our sheates, tackes, halliers, and other 

reeve tiie ' ' ' 

J^^ ropes,* and mored our ship to the trees close by the rockes. 
We laboured to recover our ankor againe, but could not by 
any means, it lay so deepe in the water, and as we thinke 
cleane covered with oaze. Now had we but one ankor 
which had but one whole Flouke, a cable spliced in two 
places, and a piece of an olde cable. In the middest of 
these our troubles it pleased God that the wind came faire 

1 A low island situated near Concepcion Bay,on the coast of Chile. 

« Valdivia. 

» In other words, ** unrove the running rigging". 


the firat of October ; whereupon with all expedition wee aSi'v^Tai 
loosed our morings, and weighed our ankor, and so towed sora "siu. 

off into the chanel : for wee had mended our boate in Port 

Desire^ and had five oares of the pinnesse. When we had 
weighed our ankor^ we found our cable broken, onely one 
strand helde:^ then wee praysed God ; for we saw apparantly 
his mercies in preserving us. Being in the chanel, we 
rived^ our ropes, and againe rigged our ship, no mans hand 
was idle, but all laboured even for the last gaspe of life. 
Here our company was devided ; some desired to go againe 
for Port Desire^ and there to be set on shore, where they 
might travell for their lives, and some stood with the Cap- 
taine and Master to proceed. Whereupon the Captaine 
sayd to the Master : Master, you see the wonderfull ex- 
tremitie of our estate, and the great doubts among our 
companie of the truth of your reports, as touching reliefe 
to be had in the South sea : some say in secret, as I am in- 
armed, that we undertake these desperate attempts through 
blind affection that we beare to the General. For mine 
owne part I plainely make knowen unto you, that the love 
which I bare to the Generall caused mee first to enter into 
this action, whereby I have not onely heaped upon my head 
this bitter calamity now present, but also have in some sort 
procured the dislike of my best friends in England, as it is not 
unknowen to some in this company. But now being thus 
intangled by the providence of God for my former offences 
(no doubt), I desire that it may please his divine Majestie 
to shew us such mercifull favour that we may rather pro- 
ceed then otherwise : or if it be his wil, that our mortall 
being shal nowe take an ende, I rather desire that it may 
bee in proceeding then in returning. And because I see 
in reason that the limits of our time are now drawing to an 
end, I do in Christian charity intreat you all, first to for- 
give me in whatsoever I have bin grievous unto you; 
1 See note 4, page 30. ' Reeved, or rove. 


112 THE master's answer. 

unYmoM Secondly, that you wil rather pray for our General then use 
Bom "xA. tar<3 speeches of him ; and let us bo fully persuaded, that 

not for his cause and negligence, but for our own oflfences 

against the divine Majesty we are presently punished ; 
lastly, let us forgive one another and be reconciled as 
children in love and charity, and not think upon the vanities 
of this life : so shall we in leaving this life live with our 
glorious redeemer, or, abiding in this life, find favour with 
God. And now (good master) forasmuch as you have bin 
in this voyage once before with your master the general,^ 
satisfie the c5pany of such truths, as are to you best 
knowen ; and you the rest of the generals men, which like- 
wise have bin with him in his first voyage, if you heare any 
thing contrary to the truth, spare not to reproove it I 
pray you. And so I beseech the Lord to bestow his mercy 
upon us. 

Then the master began in these speeches : Captain, your 
request is very reasonable, and I referre to your judgment 
my honest care, and great pains taken in the generals ser- 
vice, my love towards him, and in what sort I have dis- 
charged my duety, from the first day to this houre. I 
was commanded by the general to follow your directions, 
which hitherto I have performed. 

You all knowe, that when I was extreamely sicke, the 
General was lost in my mates watch, as you have well ex- 
amined : sithens which time in what anguish and griefe of 
minde I have lived God onely knoweth, and you are in 
some part a witnesse. And nowe if you thinke good to 
retume, I will not gainesay it : but this I assure you, if 
life may be preserved by any meanes it is in proceeding. 
For at the Isle of Santa Maria^ I doe assure you of wheate, 
porke, and rootes enough. Also I will bring you to an 

^ The Master had served in Cavendishes first, and successful, voyage 
into the South Seas. 
' Near Ooncepcion Bay, already alluded to at page 110. 

LOSS OP THE "black PINNACE '. 113 

Isle, where Pelicans bee in great abundance, and at Santos^ 2hdVot"o 
wee shall have meale in great plenty, besides all our possi- sodtk "bea. 
bilitie of intercepting some shippes upon the coast of Chili 

^ ° rr r This Santos 

and Peru. But if wee returne there is nothing but death to «tandeth 

o upon the 

be hoped for : therefore doe as you like, I am ready, but my p^^j^ 


desire is to proceede. Bouthoriy 

These his speeches being confirmed by others that were 
in the former voyage, there was a generall consent of 
proceeding; and so the second of October we put into 
the South sea and were free of all land. This night S^e^^oStS' 
the winde began to blowe very much at Westnorth- third time, 
west, and still increased in fury, so that wee were in great 
doubt what course to take : td put into the Streights wee 
durst not for lacke of ground-tackle '? to beare sayle wee 
doubted, the tempest was so furious, and our sayles so bad. 
The pinnesse came roome^ with us, and tolde us that sheo 
had received many grievous Seas, and that her ropes did 
every houre fayle her, so as they could not tell what shift 
to make : wee being unable in any sort to helpe them, 
stood under our coarses in view of the lee-shore, still ex- 
pecting our ruinous end. 

The fourth of October, the storme growing beyond all 
reason furious, the pinnesse being in the winde of us, strake 
suddenly ahull,^ so that we thought shee had received some 
grievous sea, or sprung a leake, or that her sayles failed 
her, because she came not with us : but we durst not hull 
in that unmercifull storme, but sometimes tried^ under our 

^ This is probably Santa Bay, on the coast of Peru. 

' Ground tackle is a general name given to anchors and everything 
appertaining to them. 

' Rooming was an old nautical expression signifying running to lee- 
ward. To come^ or barcy roome, means to run down to a vessel to leeward. 

« Suddenly hove-to. See note 1, pages 28 and 83. The pinnaoe, at 
this time, broached-to, and probably foundered. 

• To try was an old term for **lying-to'* in a gale of wind under 
reduced canvas. Special storm-sails were subsequently made and used, 
which were, and are to this day, called trysails, 




i»D voTAOE Daaine coarse, sometime with a haddock of our sayle,^ for 
South "sea. OUT ship was vcry leoward, and most laboursome in the sea. 
This night wee lost the pinnesse, and never saw her 

The hlack€ . 

pimttetM loHi acraine* 

in the South ° 

»«*• The fifb, our foresayle was split, and all to torne : then 

our Master tooke the mizzen and brought it to the fore- 
mast, to make our ship worke, and with our spritsaile we 
mended our foresayle, the storme continuing without all 
reason in fury, with haile, snowe, raine, and winde such and 
so mighty, as that in nature it could not possibly be more, 
the seas such and so lofty, with continuall breach,^ that 
many times we wore doubtfuU whether our ship did sinke 
or swimme. 

The tenth of October being by the accompt of our Cap- 
taine and Master very neere the shore, the weather darke, 
the storme furious, and most of our men having given over 
to travell,* we yeelded ourselves to death, without further 
hope of succour. Our captaine sitting in the gallery very 
pensive, I came and brought him some Rosa solis^ to com- 
fort him ; for he was so cold, that hee was scarce able to 
moove a joint. After he had drunke, and was comforted in 
heart, hee began for the ease of his conscience, to make a 
large repetition of his forepassed time, and with many 
grievous sighs he concluded in these words : Oh, most 
glorious God, with whose power the mightiest things 
among men are matters of no moment, I most humbly 
beseech thee, that the intoUerable burthen of my sinnes 
may through the blood of Jesus Christ be taken from me : 
and end our daies with speede, or shew us some mercifuU 
signe of thy love and our preservation. 

> This is an expreesion I am unable to explain satisfactorily ; but it 
was, doubtless, a nautical term for a peculiar method of reefing, or re- 
ducing, a sail. • See note 1, page 118. 

' To travel meant to work, to labour, or to take pains. 

* Rosa aoUs was a beverage made with brandy, hot water, and spices ; 
in fact, punch. 


Having thus ended, he desired me not to make knowen aSi voyxoi 
to any of the company his intollerablo griefe and anguish qouth'sbv. 

of minde, because they should not thereby be dismayed. ^^ 

And so suddenly^ before I went from him the Sunne 
shined cleere; so that he and the Master both observed 
the true elevation of the Pole,^ whereby they knew by 
what course to recover the Streights. Wherewithall 
our captaine and Master were so revived, and gave 
such comfortable speeches to the company, that every 
man rejoiced, as though we had received a present 

The next day being the 11 of October, we saw Cabo 
Deseado^ being the cape on the South shore (the North 
shore is nothing but a company of dangerous rocks. 
Isles, and sholds). This cape being within two leags to 
leeward off us, our master greatly doubted, that we could 
not double the same : wherupon the captain told him : 
You see there is no remedy, either we must double it, or 
before noon we must die : therefore loose your sails, and 
let us put it to Gods mercy. 

The master being a man of good spirit, resolutely made 
quicke dispatch and set saile. Our sailes had not bene halfe 
an houre aboord, but the footrope of our foresaile brake, so 
that nothing held but the oylet holes.^ The seas continually 

• The trtte elevation of the Pole is a term probably derived from the 
latitude being ascertained, in the northern hemisphere, by obtaining the 
altitude of the Pole Star. Or eli*e it is the zenith distance of the Sun, 
or other heavenly body, by which the latitude is determined. Zenith is 
the pole of the horizon, or that point in the heavens directly overhead. 
Zenith distance is the angular distance between a celestial body and the 

* Cape Deseado is on the west coast of the island of Desolation, 
about five miles to the southward of Destruction Harbour, in. lat. 
62*^ 58' S. 

» This means, doubtless, that the sail was " held", or prevented from 
splitting, by the cringles or eyelet-holes in the clues (the two lower 
comers of the sail), to which the tack and sheet are secured for setting 

I 2 



2xd7ot"ox ^^^^^ o^®r ^^® ships poope, and flew into the sailes with 
8ora"8«A. such violence, that we still expected the tearing of our 
sayles, or oversetting of the ship, and withall to our utter 
discomfort, wee perceived that wee fell still more and more 
to leeward, so that wee could not double the cape : wee 
were nowe come within halfe a mile of the cape, and so 
neere the shore that the counter-suffe^ of the sea would 
rebound against the shippes side, so that wee were much 
dismayed with the horror of our present ende. 

Beeing thus at the very pinch of death, the winde and 
Seas raging beyond measure, our Master veared some of the 
maine sheate;^ and whether it was by that occasion, or by 
some current, or by the wonderfuU power of God, as wee 
verily thinke it was, the ship quickened her way, and shot 
past that rocke, where wee thought shoe would have shored.* 
Then betweene the cape and the poynt there was a little 
bay ; so that wee were somewhat farther from the shoare : 
and when we were come so farre as the cape, wee yeelded 
to death : yet our good God the Father of all mercies 
delivered us, and wee doubled the cape about the length of 
our snippe, or very little more. Being shot past the cape, 
in uie South we presently tooke in our sayles, which onely God had 
preserved unto us : and when we were shot in betweene the 
high lands, the wind blowing trade,^ without any inch of 

The Cape 
after they 
bad been 


the sail. Or else, as the courses in those days were fitted to reef on the 
foot, it was the reef -band, into which eyelet-holes are worked, that thus 
saved the sail. 

• Counter surf. 

• The experienced eye of the Master saw that the main sheet was too 
" flat hiV\ and that the ship, instead of going through the water, was 
rapidly <* bagging^' to leeward. The sheet eased, she quickly gathered 
way, and weathered the danger. 

• In other words, " struck". 

^ A trade wind is that which, at certain seasons, blows regularly 
from one direction. It was, therefore, before the days of steam, very 
■enriceable to vessels making a trading voyage. 


sayle, we spooned^ before the sea, three men being not able 2Sd™t"q« 
to guide the helme, and in sixe houres wee were put five and sora "n. 
twenty leagues within the Streights, where wee found a * 

sea answerable to the Ocean. 

In this time we freed our ship from water, and after wee 
had rested a little our men were not able to moove ; their 
sinewes were stiffe, and their flesh dead, and many of them 
(which is most lamentable to bee reported) were so eaten 
with lice, as that in their flesh did lie clusters of lice as big 
as peason, yea, and some as big as beanes. Being in this 
miserie^ we were constrained to put into a coove for the 
refreshing our men. Our Master knowing the shore and 
every coove very perfectly, put in with the shore, and 
mored to the trees, as beforetime we had done, laying our 
ankor to the seaward. 

Here we continued until the twentieth of October ; but 
not being able any longer to stay through extremitie of 
famine, the one and twentieth we put off into the chanell, 
the weather being reasonable calme : but before night it 
blew most extreamely at Westnorthwest. The storme 
growing outragious, our men could scarcely stand by their 
labour ; and the Streights being full of turning reaches we 
were constrained by discretion of the Gaptaine and Master 
in their accounts to guide the ship in the hell-darke night, 
when we cpuld not see any shore, the chanell being in some 
places scarse three miles broad. But our capiaine, as wee 
first passed throu&rh the Streicrhts drew such an exquisite Anezceiieni 

^ ® " . , ^ plat of the 

plat of the same, as I am assured it cannot in any sort be ^*2[®^{^ ®' 
bettered :' which plat hee and the Master so often perused, 

> A ship is said to be spooning or spooming, when, with no sails set, 
she is diiying before a heavy gale. Drydcn frequently makes use of 
the word, as^ 

" When virtue spooms before a prosperous gale, 
My heaving wishes help to fill the sail." 
s It is very much to be regretted that this chart, constructed by 
Davis, if in existence, is now nowhere to be found. 


CAiroraK'8 and SO carefully regarded, as that in memorie they had 
boc?h"bi. ©vory turning and creeke, and in the deepe darke night 

without any doubting they conveyed the ship through that 

crooked chanell: so that I conclude, the world hath not any 
80 skilfull pilots for that place as they are : for otherwise 
wee could never have passed in such sort as we did. 

The 25 wee came to an Island in the Streights named 
Penguin-isle, whither wee sent our boate to seeke reliefe, 
for there were great abundance of birds, and the weather 
was very calme : so wee came to an ankor by the Island in 
seven fadomes. While our boate was at shore, and we had 
great store of Penguins, there arose a sudden storme, so 
that our ship did drive over a breach^ and our boate sanke 
at the shore. 

Captaine Cotton and the Lieutenant being on shore leapt 
into the boate and freed the same, and threw away all the 
birdes, and with great difficultie recovered the ship : my 
selfe also was in the boate the same time, where for my 
life I laboured to the best of my power. The ship all this 
while driving upon the lee-shore, when wee came aboord, 
we helped to set sayle, and weighed the ankor ; for before 
our comniing they could scarse hoise up their yardes, yet 
with much adoe they set their fore-coarse. 

Thus in a mighty fret* of weather the seven and twentieth 

day of October wee were free of the Streights, and the 

Pen^in- thirtieth of October we came to Penguin-isle, beinc: three 

islo within o ^ & 

iJjTaee of 1®*^^®^ fiom Port Desirc, the place which wee purposed to 
Port De«ire. ^qq^^q {qj, qqj. reliefe. 

"When wee were come to this Isle wee sent our boate on 
shore, which returned laden with birdes and egges; and 

^ Breach, a term used to express a heavy surf or broken water. 
Shakespeare, in Twelfth Night, act ii, scene 1, causes Sebastian to say, 
^^ For some hours before you took me from the breach of the sea, was mj 
sister drowned." 

* A fret of wind is, according to some authorities, a *^ squally flaw^*; 
in this case a fresh, or perhaps even a strong, gale is meant. 


our men sayd that the Penguins were so thicke upon the 2Si'voTAoi 
Isle, that shippes might be laden with them ; for they could soute"8ea. 

not goe without treading upon the birds, whereat we 

greatly rejoiced. Then the captaine appointed Charles 
Parker and Edward Smith,^ with twenty others to go on 
shore, and to stay upon the Isle, for the killing and drying 
of those Penguins, and promised after the ship was in har- 
borough to send the rest, not onely for expedition, but 
also to save the small store of victuals in the shippe. But 
Parker, Smith, and the rest of their faction, suspected 
that this was a devise of the Captaine to leave his men on 
shore, that by these meanes there might bee victuals for 
the rest to recover their countrey : and when they remem- 
bred that this was the place where they would have slaine 
their Captaine and Master, surely (thought they) for re- 
venge hereof will they leave us on shore* Which when 
our Captaine understood, hee used these speeches unto 
them : I understand that you are doubtfull of your security 
through the perversenesse of your owne guilty consciences : 
it is an extreame griefe unto me, that you should judge 
mee blood-thirstie in whome you have scene nothing but 
kinde conversation : if you have found otherwise speake 
boldly, and accuse mee of the wrongs that I have done ; 
if not, why do you then measure me by your owne uncha- 
ritable consciences 7 All the company knoweth indeed, 
that in this place you practized to the utmost of your 
powers to murther me and the master causeles, as God 
knoweth, which evil in this place we did remit you : and 
now I may conceive without doing you wrong, that you 
againe purpose some evill in bringing these matters to 
repetition : but God hath so shortned your confederacie, 
as that I nothing doubt you : it is for your Masters sake 
that I have forborne you in your unchristian practizes : 
and here I protest before God that for his sake alone I will 
> The ringleaders in the recently quelled nmtiuy. See page 102. 


Caitdish's yet indure this injury, and you shall in no sorte be pre- 
Bo™"s«A judiced, or in any thing be by me commanded : but when 

we come into England (if God so favour us) your master 

shall knowe your honesties ; in the meane space be voide of 
these suspicions, for, God I call to witnes, revenge is no 
part of my thought. They gave him thanks, desiring to 
go into the harborough with the ship, which he granted. So 

'pTtDe^ there were ten left upon the Isle, and the last of October 

Sne!*"^ we entred the harborough. 

Our Master, at our last being hero, having taken carefull 
notice of every creeke in the river, in a very convenient 
place, upon sandy oaze, ran the ship on ground, laying our 
ankor to seaward, and with our running ropes mored her to 
stakes upon the shore, which hee had fastened for that pur- 
pose ; where the ship remained till our departure. 

The third of November our boat with water, wood, and 
as many as shee could carry, went for the Isle of Penguins : 
but being deepe, she durst not proceede, but returned agaiue 
the same night. Then Parker, Smith, Townesend,^ Purpet, 
with five others, desired that they might goe by land, and 
that the boate might fetch them when they were against 

wesSwcea *^® ■^®'®' ^^ being scarce a mile from the shore. The cap- 

Se^iMhie. taine bade them doe what they thought best, advising them 
to take weapons with them : for (sayd he), although we 
have not at any time scene people in this place, yet in the 
countrey there may be Savages. They answered, that here 
were great store of Deere and Ostriches ; but if there were 
Salvages, they would devoure them : notwithstanding the 
captaine caused them to cary weapons, calievers,* swordes, 
and targets; so the sixt of November they departed by land, 
and the bote by sea ; but from that day to this day wee 

Nino men never heard of our men. 


The 11, while most of our men were at the Isle, onely 

> This man's name does not appear amongst those who signed the 
memorial. See page 106. * See note 1, page 20. 


tlie Captaine and Master with sixe others being left in 2Si'voT"Gi 
the ship, there came a great multitude of Salvages to souih'sea. 

the ship, throwing dust in the ayre, leaping and running 

like brute beasts, having vizards on their faces like dogsmaititodeof 
faces, or else their faces are doers faces indeed. We withviEarda 

' o or facoM like 

greatly feared least they would set our ship on fire, for they ti^^'^^ 
would suddenly make fire, whereat we much marvelled: 
they came to windward of our ship, and set the bushes on 
fire, so that wo were in a very stinking smoke : but as 
soone as they came within our shot, we shot at them, and 
striking one of them in the thigh, they all presently fled, so 
that we never heard nor saw more of them. Herebv we 
judged that these Canibals had slaine our 9 men. When 
we considered what they were that thus were slaine, and 
found that they were the principall men that would have 
murthered our Captaine and Master, with the rest of their 
friends, we saw the just judgement of God, and made sup- 
plication to his divine Majesty to be mercifull unto us. 

While we were in this harborough, our Captaine and 
Master went with the boat to discover how farre this river 
did run, that if neede should enforce us to leave our ship, 
we might know how farre we might go by water. So they The river of 
found that farther then 20 miles they could not so with the but2omiieii 

•^ *-• i)a88&ble by 

boat.^ «x»^- 

At their returne they sent the boate to the Isle of Pen- 
guins; whereby wee understood that the Penguins dryed 
to our hearts content, and that the multitude of them was 
infinite. This Penguin hath the shape of a bird, but hath 
no wings, only two stumps in the place of wings, by which 
he swimmeth under water with as great swiftnes as any fish. 
They live upon smelts, whereof there is great abundance 
upon this coast : in eating they be neither fish nor flesh : 
they lay great egs, and the bird is of a reasonable bignes, 

1 The river Desire carries a depth of water of six feet, to about 
fifteen miles from the moutb. Beyond this it shoals rapidly. 

make Halt. 

122 THE SCURVY CURED.>x8s's very neere twise so big as a ducke. All the time that wee 
TOTHi were in this place, we fared passing well with egs, Penguins, 

yong Seales, jong Guiles, besides other birds, such as I 

know not : of all which we had great abundance. In this 

beneflto? p'^ce WO fouud an herbe called Scurvygrasse,^ which wee 

»nid'*^ fried with egs, using traine oyle in stead of butter. This 

gii^* herbe did so purge y* blood, that it tooke away all kind of 

swellings, of which many died, and restored us to perfect 

health of body, so that we were in as good case as whe we 

T^w^kSTin came first out of England. We stayed in this harbour until 

Port Desire, ^j^^ 22 of December, in which time we had dried 20,000 

Penguins ; and the Captaine, the Master, and myselfe, had 

doviseu) ™ft^G some Salt, by laying salt water upon the rocks in 

holes, which in 6 daies would be kerned.* Thus God did 

feed us eve, as it were, with Manna fr5 heaven. 

The 22 of December we departed with our ship for the 
Isle, where with great difficulty, by the skilful industry of 
our Master we got 14,000 of our birds, and had almost lost 
our captaine in labouring to bring the birds aboord : and 
had not our Master bene very expert in the set of those 
wicked tides, which run after many fashions, we had also 
lost our ship in the same place : but God of his goodnes 
hath in all our extremities bene our protector. So the 22, 
at night, we departed with 14,000 dried Penguins, not being 
able to fetch the rest, and shaped our course for BrasiL 
Nowe our captaine rated our victuals, and brought us to 
aiJmajice ^^^ allowance, as that our victuals might last sixe moneths; 
for our hope was, that within sixe moneths we might recover 
our countrey, though our sailes were very bad. So the allow- 

1 CocHkaria OffictnaUs, a cmciferoos plant. It is supposed to be an 
excellent antiscorbutic, and is much used in cases of scurvy by the 
natives of Greenland and other northern regions. It grows in great 
quantities in the Arctic zone, usually about 200 feet above the level of 
the sea, flowering from June to August. 

' To kern means to com, salt, or convert into powder. 

of victuals. 


anco was two ounces and a halfe of meale for a man a ciitowh's 


day, and to have so twise a weeke, so that 5 ounces did south^si^ 

serve for a weeke. Three daies a weeke we had oile, three 

spoonfuls for a man a day ; and 2 dayes in a weeke peason^ 
a pint betweene 4 men a day, and every day 5 Penguins for 
4 men^ and 6 quartos of water for 4 men a day. This was 
our allowance ; wherewith (we praise God) we lived, though 
weakly, and very feeble. 

The 30 of January we arrived at the lie of Placencia p^SrSfcrJin 
in Brasill, the first place that outward bound we were ^™*^^- 
at: and having made the sholde,^ our ship lying off at 
sea, the Gaptaine, with 24 of the company, went with 
the boat on shore, being a whole night before they 
could recover it. The last of January, at sun-rising, they 
suddenly landed, hoping to take the Portugales in their 
houses, and by that meanes to recover some Casavi-meale,^ 
or other victuals for our reliefe : but when they came to the 
houses, they were all razed, and burnt to the ground, so 
that we thought no man had remained on the Hand. Then 
the captaine went to the gardens, and brought from thence 
fruits and roots for the company, and came aboord the ship^ 
and brought her into a fine creeke which he had found out, 
where we might more her by the trees, and where there 
was water, and hoopes to trim our caske. Our case being 
very desperate, we presently laboured for dispatch away; 
some cut hoopes, which the coopers made ; others laboured 
upon the sailes and ship ; every man travelling for his life, 
and still a guard was kept on shore to defend those that 
laboured, every man having his weapon likewise by him. 

The 3 of February, our men, with 23 shot, went againe to 
the gardens, being 3 miles from us upon the North shore^ 
and fetched Cazavi-roots out of the ground, to relieve our 
company instead of bread ; for we spent not of our meale 
while we staied here. The 5 of February being munday, 
» The Bhoal (?). ' See note 2, page 94. 


2hd voTioi ^^^ captaine and master hasted the company to their labour ; 
bouth"8ba. so some went with the Coopers to gather hoopes, and the 

^ rest laboured aboord. This night many of our men in the 

ship dreamed of murther and slaughter : In the morning 
they reported their dreames, one saying to another; this 
and fore- night I dreamt that thou wert slaine; another answered, 
dreameM. and I dreamed that thou wert slaine : and this was general 
through the ship. The captaine hearing this^ who likewise 
had dreamed very strangely himsolfe, gave very streight 
charge^ that those which went on shore should take weapons 
with them, and saw them himselfe delivered into the boat, 
and sent some of purpose to guard the labourers. 

All the forenoone they laboured in quietnesse, and when 
it was ten of the clocke, the heat being extreme, they came 
to a rocke neere the woods side (for al this countrey is 
nothing but thick woods), and there they boy led Cazavi- 
roots, and dined : after dinner some slept, some washed 
themselves in the sea, all being stripped to their shirts, and 
no man keeping watch, no match lighted, not a piece 
charged. Suddenly as they were thus sleeping and sporting, 
having gotten themselves into a comer out of sight of the 
ship, there came a multitude of Indians and Portugales upon 
them, and slew them sleeping : onely twd escaped, one very 
sore hurt, the other not touched, by whom we understood 
of this miserable massacre : with all speed we manned our 
boat and landed to succour our men ; but wee found them 
slaine, and laied naked on a ranke one by another, with 
their faces upward, and a crosse set by them : and withall 
we saw two very great pinnesses come from the river of 
Jenero^ very ful of men ; whom we mistrusted, came from 
thence to take us : because there came from Jenero soul- 
diers to Santos, when the Generall had taken the towne 
and was strong in it. Of 76 persons which departed in our 

> Rio de Janeiro. 


ship out of England, we were now left but 27,* having lost jji ^voil?! 
13 in this place, with their chiefe furniture, as muskets, soui ™ski. 
calivers, powder, and shot. Our caske was all in decay, so 

^ . , Tbirtoene 

that we could not take in more water then was in our ship men lost »t 

" the Il« of 

for want of caske, and that which we had was marvellous bjTSeS-** 
ill conditioned : and being there mored by trees for want ta^e?eg- 
of cables and ankers, we still expected the cutting of our 
morings to be beaten from our decks with our owne furni- 
ture,* and to be assayled by them of Jenero : what distresse 
we were now driven into I am not able to expresse. To 
depart with 8 tunnes of water in such bad caske was to 
fiterve at sea, and, in staying, our case was ruinous. 

These were hard choises ; but, being thus perplexed, we 
made choice rather to fall into the hands of the Lord then 
into the hands of men ; for his exceeding mercies we had 
tasted, and of the others cruelty we were not ignorant. So 
concluding to depart, the 6 of February we were ofiF in the 
chanell, with our ordinance and small shot in a readines for 
any assalt that should come, and, having a small gale of 
winde, we recovered the sea in most deepe distresse. Then 
bemoning our estate one to another, and recounting over all 
our extremities, nothing grieved us more then the losse of 
our men twise, first by the slaughter of the Canibals at 
Port Desire, and at this He of Placencia by the Indians 
and Portugals. And considering what they were that were 
lost, we found that al those that conspired the murthering 
of our captaine and master were now slain by salvages, the 
gunner only excepted. Being thus at sea when we came to 

* According to this calculation, twenty-seven men must have died 
from disease since leaving England ; and the majority of these must 
have succumbed before the testimonial, which bears forty signatures, 
was drawn up. It has been, however, proved that the paper was not 
signed by all on board. 

* By ^^ their own furniture" is meant the arms taken from the men 
recently slain by the Portuguese and Indiana. 


%(^^ork\ Cape Frio, the winde was contrary ; so that 3 weekes we 
Bouth"«a, were grievously vexed with crosse wiudes, and our water 
consuming, our hope of life was very small. Some desired 

Cabo Prio 

*> '®*«?^ to go to Baya^ and to submit themselves to the Portugales 
oencLf ^ rather then to die for thirst : but the captaine with faire 
perswasioQS altered their purpose of yeelding to the Por- 

In this distresse it pleased God to send us raine in sucl^ 
plenty, as that we were wel watered and in good comfort to 

But after we came neere unto the sun,* our dried Pen- 
guins began to corrupt, and there bred in the a most loth- 
atmnSe and ^^me and Ugly wormo of an inch long. This worme did so 
wndTS* mightily increase and devoure our victuals, that there was 
of unMitod m reason no nope now we should avoide famine, but be 
devoured of these wicked creatures : there was nothing that 
they did not devoure, only yron excepted : our clothes, 
boots, shooes, hats, shirts, stockings : and, for the ship, 
they did so eat the timbers as that we greatly feared they 
would undoe us by gnawing through the ships side. Great 
was the care and diligence of our captaine, master, and 
company to consume these vermine, but the more we 
laboured to kill them the more they increased ; so that at 
the last we could not sleepe for them, for they would eate 
our flesh and bite like Mosquitos. In this wofull case, 
after we had passed the Equinoctiall toward the North, our 
men began to fall sick of such a monstrous disease, as I 
thinke the like was never heard of : for in their ankles it 
began to swell ; from thence in two daies it would be in 
their breasts, so that they could not draw their breath, and 
then fell into their cods; and their cods and yardes did 
swell most grievously and most dreadfully to behold, so that 
they could neither stand, lie, nor goe. Whereupon our men 

1 Bahia. 

« That is to say, when they approached the Equator. 


grew mad with griefe. Our captaine with extreme anguish g^^^""'* 
of his soule was in such wofuU case that he desired only a soJJJ^ska. 

speedie end, and though he were scarce able to speake for 

sorrow, yet he perswaded them to patience, and to give God 
thankes, and, like dutiful! children, to accept of his chastise- 
ment. For all this, divers grew raging mad, and some died 
in most lothsome and furious paino. It were incredible to 
write our misery as it was : there was no man in perfect 
health but the captaine and one boy. The master being a 
man of good spirit with extreme labour bore out his griefe, 
so that it grew not upon him. To be short, all our men 
died except 16, of which there were but 5 able to moove. 
The captaine was in good health, the master indifferent, 
captaine Cotton and myselfe swolne and short winded, yet 
better then the rest that were sicke, and one boy in health : 
upon us 5 only the labour of the ship did stand.^ The cap- 
taine and master, as occasion served, would take in and 
heave out the top sailes, the master onely attended on the 
sprit-saile, and all of us at the capsten without sheats and 

In fine, our miserie and weaknesse was so great, that we 
could not take in nor heave out a saile: so our top-saile and 
sprit-sailes were tome all in pieces by the weather. The 
master and captaine taking their turnes at the helme, were 
mightily distressed and monstrously grieved with the most 
wofuU lamentation of our sick men. Thus, as lost wan- 
derers upon the sea, the 11 of June, 1593, it pleased God ^^g^^^® 
that we arrived at Boar-haven in Ireland, and there ran the ifei^ncuho 
ship on shore : where the Irish men helped us to take in our isw. 

1 Sixty out of seveuty-six men perished during this disastrous voyage. 
It is a remarkable and noteworthy fact, that the four men who sufifered 
least were officers who lived together in the cabin, and we may safely 
infer that the boy here alluded to as remaining in good health, was the 
cabin-boy or attendant of the officers, and therefore lived aft, and pre- 
sumably on better fare and in a better atmosphere than the seamen. 


^wiTH* Conlam/ Onor,^ Mangalor,^ Cochin,* Columbo,^ Negapatan/ 

TOm^^T Porto Grande in Bengala^ and Malacca : As also to the 

°"*' Citie of Macao^ in the Province of Canton, in the famous 

Kingdome of China^ and to the Hands of Moluccos^ and 
Amboyno.^ Which places are all in the Portugals posses- 
sion serving for his securitie and refuge. Moreover, he 
hath trade in Monomotapa^' Melinde/^ Aden, Arabia^ Cam- 
baia^ on the Coast of Coromandel, Balaguate^^^ and Orixa.^' 
Of all which Nations there bee some dwelling in Achen in 
the He of Sumatra, trading in marchandize, where I have 
constanti- met with Arabians and a Nation called Rumos,^ who have 

nople 18 
called New 

Rome, and » Quilon, on the coast of Travancore. 

the Eaet * Onore, OF Honahwar, on the coast of North Canara. 

^^ Sn^ • On the coast of MaUbar. 

S"t*tb'**' * ^° important Malabar sea-port. 

chiefe Citie. » On the west coast of Ceylon. 

• In the district of Tanjore, on the Coromandel coast. 

' Probably Chittagong. See Dr. Badger's remarks on the port of 
Bengals, in his Introduction to Varthema's Travels^ p. bucx. 

• One of the Moluccas. 

• Monomotapa and its ** Emperor" are referred to by Livingstone and 
Macqueen (see R, G. S. /., xxvi, pp. 112, 117; xxvii, pp. 383, 384; and 
XXX, p. 154). The older Portuguese applied the name Monomotapa to 
the whole extent of country lying behind the sea-board of Mozambique. 
The derivation is from Mwene, a Lord, and MutapOy the name of the 
chief district. The modem name is Chedima. See Burton's Lands of 
Cazembe^ p. 22, n. ; and Gamitto and Mouteiro, who give an account of 

'* Malindi, a port on the east coast of Africa, north of Zanzibar, was 
one of the ports settled by Arabs, and seized by the Portuguese between 
1498 and 1607. 

" Balaghat (^* above the ghauts^'), a region on the eastern side of 
India, including the districts of Balldri, Kadapa, and Karn{d. 

'* The province of Orissa, on the east coast of India. 

" The Turks, or subjects of the Sultan-i-Rdm. When the Seljukian 
Turks established themselves in Asia Minor, i.e., the Roman Empire, 
they became the inheritors of the name of Rum, and their dominion, 
with its capital at Iconium, was especially known as R^m. Hence the 
Turks of Anatolia generally, and the Ottomans who came to the front 
among them, continued to be known to Asia as the people of Rum. 
When they became powerful in Arabia, and sent out fleets to India, and 


traded many hundred yeares to Achen. These Ramos ^^^2* 
come from the Red Sea. There are in Achon many Chineses " thi^ibt 
that use trade, of whom I have beene kindly used, and can '°"*' 
well informe your Lordship of that worthy Kingdome of 
China. The trades of Gusarate^ are very ample. All which 
the Portugals with the locke of discretion have providently 
long concealed, which now through Gods favour are made 
knowne unto us. I have here inclosed sent your Lordship 
the Alphabet of the Achens Language, with some words of 
the same ; which they write after the manner of the He- 
brewes. I have also sent by Master Tomkins of their 
Coine, which is in usuall payment. That of Gold is named 
a Mas,^ and is nine pence halfe penie neerest. Those of 
Lead are called Gaxas :^ whereof a thousand sixe hundred 
make one Mas. Good qiy Lord, remember the poore 
Widowes Mite. For surely, if I could doe more in this 
service, or otherwise, it should not be omitted. 

From Middleborough, this first of August, 1600. 

Your Lordships most dutifull Servant, 

John Davis. 

even to the Archipelago, they were still known as Rumis. Varthema 
calls Diu-Bandierrumi (Bandar-i-Kumi) **the Turk's ]X)rt", as he 
correctly explains. 

• The province of Gujrat, on the west coast of India. 

« According to Bailey's Dictionary (1763) a Mass is a piece of 
Sumatran money of the value of one shilling. In Burmah a math is a 
gold coin worth (>d., and in China a mace is equivalent to 7d. See also 
Lancaster's Vofjar/es^ p. 258. ' Cass. 

K 2 * 

A briefe Relation of Master John Davis, chicfe Pilot to the 

Zelanders iu their East-India Voyage, departing from 

Middleborough the fifteenth of March, Anno 1598. 

^wrra" '^^^ fifteenth hereof we departed from Flashing with two 
TotuMKijn ships in Consort, the Lion and Lionesse : the Lion being 

foure hundred tans, had in her a hundred three and twentie 

persons : the Lionesse two hundred and fiftie tuns, had a 
hundred persons. Mushrom,^ Clark, and Monef of Mid- 
dleborough, Owners and only Adventurers thereof. Cor- 
nelius Howteman, chiefe Commander of both ships, having 
a Commission from Grave Maurice,^ by the name Generall. 
The two and twentieth we anchored in Tor bay with bad 

1 This was Balthazar de Moucheron, who presided over the great 
mercantile house of the Moucherons at Veere, a sea-port town in 
the island of Walcheren. The Moucherons were of French origin, 
pofisessing large estates in Normandy. The father of Balthazar is 
supposed to have died at Antwerp in 1565, and it is presumed that 
the son went from Brabant to Zeeland soon after the taking of that city 
by Panna, for his name is amongst those of the principal personages of 
Antwerp who signed the capitulation. Balthazar has the credit of being 
the man who laid before William the Silent the first proposal of a voyage 
to the North. In 1590 he was settled at Middleburg, whence he was 
carrying on an extensive trade with Antwerp, Caen, Rochelle, Gran- 
ville, St. Malo, Morlaix, Roscoff, etc. 

His brother Melchior was his agent on the River Dwina, where he 
had also established commercial relations, and to whom is accredited 
the foundation of the town of Archangel. In 1597, or the following 
, year, Balthazar removed to Veere, deputing the management of his 
affairs to his elder brother, Pierre, who, it may be remarked, was the 
grandfather of the eminent landscape painter, Frederik de Moucheron. 
An account of their connection with this voyage, in which Davis was 
engaged, will be found in the Introduction. 

' Count Maurice succeeded his father, William the Silent, as Stadt- 
holder of Holland. 


The seventh we set saile, the twentieth we had sight of ^^^J" 
Porto Santo,^ the three and twentieth we fell with Palma :* "m^Aw 
the last hereof we came with the Islands of Cape Verde.* °"*' 

The first we anchored at Saint Nicholas^ one of the said Aprui. 
Hands in latitude sixteene degrees sixteene minutes. Here ^^' 
wee watered the seventh, wee departed the ninth, wee fell 
with Saint Jago. 

The ninth we fell with the Coast of Brasill, in seven June, 
degrees of South latitude, not being able to double Cape 
Saint Augustine :* for being about the Line we had very 
nnconstant weather and bad windes; being in this des* 
perate case, we shaped our course for a small He named 
Fernando Loronha,^ in foure decrees of South latitude, the Fernando 

° ' Loronha. 

fifteenth we anchored upon the North-side thereof in 
eighteene fathomes. We found in this Hand twelve Ne- 
groes, eight men, foure women. It is a very fruitfull Isle, 
and hath exceeding good water, it aboundeth with Goates, 
it hath also Beefes, Hogs, Hens, Mellons, and Ginnie 
Come :* with plentie of fish and Sea-birds. These Negroes 
were placed here by the Portugals to manure the He. 
Three yeeres past in which there hath no ships beene with 

1 A high island about 22 miles E.N.E. of Madeira. There is an 
anchorage on the South side, where water and refreshments can be 

* Falma, the N.W. island of the Canary group, 8,000 ft. high. 

* The Cape Verde Islands, situated between 14° 20' and 17° 20' N. 
lat., and between 22° 25' and 35° 30' \V. long., consist of the foUowing : 
S. Antonio, S. Vicente, S. Nicholas, Sta. Luzia, Sal, Boavista, Maio, S. 
lago, and Brava. They were discovered by an expedition sent out by 
Prince Henry in 1446, though the group was known to the ancients 
under the name of Insulse Gorgones. 

* Cape St. Augustine, about 17 miles south of Pemambuco, is a ridge 
of high land jutting out into the sea. 

° Fernando Noronha consists of one large and seveml small islands. 
It is now a penal settlement of Brazil. 
' Maize, sometimes called Guinea wheat. 


vonriei ^q gj^ j^^^j twentieth we departed from this He, the 
wm^t wind at East North-East, the last hereof we doubled Cape 

Saint Augustine. 

AuguBt. The tenth we passed the Abrollos, which was the greatest 

AbroUos. * of our feare (the sholds lye from the Coast of Brasill, farre 
off into the Sea^ in one and twentie degrees, and are dan- 
gerous),^ Whereupon our Baase^ (for so a Dutch Captaine 
is called) chose a Master of Mis-rule by the name Kesar.^ 
Now the authoritie of Riot lay in this disordered OflScer, 
who after Dinner could neither salute his friends, nor un- 
derstand the Lawes of Reason. And those that ought to 
have beene most respective, were both lawlesse and witlesse. 
In this dissolute manner we wasted three dayes, which 
being ended, and having againe recovered our former 
discretion, wee shaped our course for Cape Bona Espe- 
ranza^ say ling towards the Court of Bacchus, unto whom 
this Idolatrous Sacrifice was made^ as by the end ap- 
November. The eleventh we anchored in the Bay of Saldania,* in 

Bav of '' ' 

safdauia. thirtio foure degrees of the South Pole, ten leagues short 
of Cape Bono Esperanza, where there are three fresh Rivers. 
The people came to us with Oxen and Sheep in great 
pi en tie, which they sold for peices of old Iron and spike 
Nailes. The best of that we bought, cost not more then 
the value of one penie in old Iron. Their Cattell are large, 
and under severall markes, having upon the backe by the 

^ The AbrolhoB Rocks are situated in 17° south latitude, about forty 
miles off the coast of Brazil. There is a channel between these shoals 
and the main land. 

« Baas^ in Dutch, means master or foreman. From this originates the 
word Boss, signifying a head man, extensively used in English factories, 
and also frequently in America. 

* Keizer, in Dutch, means Emperor. 

« Saldanha Bay, on the West Coast of Africa, is rather more than 60 
miles to the northward of Cape Town. 


foro shoulders a great lumpe of flesh like a Camels backed ^^Tth" 
Their Sheepe have exceeding great tailes only of fat, weigh- ™M^St 
ing twelve or fourteene pounds : they have no wooll but a "** 
long shag haire. The people are not circumcised, their 
colour is Olive blacke, blacker then the Brasilians, their 
haire curled and blacke as the Negroes of Angola, their 
words are for the most part in-articulate, and, in speaking, 
they clocke with the Tongue like a brood Hen, which 
clocking and the word are both pronounced together, verie 

They goe all naked, having only a short Cloke of Skinnes, 
and Sandals tyed to their feet, they paint their faces with 
divers colours, they are a strong active people, and runne 
exceedingly, and are subject to the King of Monomotapa,' 
who is reported to be a mightie King, their weapons are 
only hard Darts. The Flemmings offering them some rude 
wrong, they absented themselves three dayes, in which 
time they made great fires upon the Mountaines in the 
Countrey. The nineteenth hereof there came great troups 
of them to us, bringing much cattell with them, and in the 
time of bartering, suddenly taking their advantage, they 
set upon us, and slue thirteene of our people with hand 
Darts, which at foure Pikes length could not offend. 

Notwithstanding, the Flemmings fled before them like 
Mice before Cats, throwing away their weapons most 
basely. And our Baase to save himselfe stayed aboord, and 
sent us Corslets, Two-hand-swords, Pikes, Muskets, and 
Targets, so we were armed and laden with weapons, but 
there was neither courage nor discretion. For we stayed 

» This is probably the Cape BolTalo, Buhalus Coffer. Although 
an animal of a ferocious nature, it has been tamed, and used for 
domestic purposes. The allusion to its hump appears to have been 
rather exaggerated by Davis, as the Cape species does not possess it so 
prominently as do other members of the same family. 

' it is scarcely possible to convey an idea of the language of the 
natives of South Africa bettor than is here described. 

' See note 2, page 130. 




^wTth" ^y ^^^ Tents being belegred with Canibals and Cowes ; we 

Tom^i^r were in Master Giants, with great armed bodies, but in 

'^°"^' action Babes, with Wrens hearts. Hereupon Master Tom- 

M.Tomkina. kins and my selfe undertooke to order these Fellowes, from 

that excellent methode which we had seene in your Lord- 
ships most honourable Actions. Some consented to us, but 
the most part unwilling, and divers ranne to the Pottage 
Pot, for they swore it was dinner time. This night we 
went all aboord, only leaving our great Mastive Dogge 
behind us, who by no meanes would come to us. For I 
thinke he was ashamed of our Companie. 

This land is a good soile, and an wholsome Aire, full of 
good herbes, as Mints, Calamint,^ Plantine, Ribwort, Trifo- 
lium, Scabious, and such like. The seven and twentieth 
wee set sayle, the last hereof we doubled Cape Bona 

The sixt we doubled Cape das Agulios,^ which is the most 
Southerly Promontorie of Africa, where the Compasse hath 
no variation. This Cape lyeth in thirtie five degrees of the 
South Pole. 


The sixt we fell with the He Madagascar, short of Cape 
Romano :^ we spent this moneth to double that Cape, 
not being able wee bore roome* with the Bay Saint Augus- 
tine, which lyeth upon the South West part of Madagascar, 
in three and twentie degrees fiftie minutes. 

The third wee anchored in the same Bay/ where wee saw 

1 An herbaceous plant, Melissa Calamintha, belonging to the Labiacm^ 
not nnfrequently used as a pectoral medicine. 

* Cape Agulhas, is the extreme southern point of Africa. A light- 
house is now erected on the Cape, which shows a fixed white light, 
visible in clear weather 18 miles. 

* This Cape has no existence on the charts of the present day. 

* See note 3, page 113. 
' A fairly good anchorage on the S.W. coast of Madagascar, but deep 

water. It is not considered safe during the N.W. monsoon, which 
blows directly into the bay, always accompanied by a heavy swell 



Bay of 


many people upon the shore, but when we landed they fled ^°i^" 
from us : for the other Voyage our Baase was in this Bay, ^thi'kaw 
where hee greatly abused the people, and tooko one of '"""' 
them, bound him to a Post,' and shot him to death, with 
other sharaefuU disorders. After seven dayes by much 
meanes that we made, some of them came to us, and 
brought us Milke and one Cow, which wee bought, and 
after would no more abide us. They are a strong, well 
shaped people, and cole blacke, their Language sweete and 
pleasing : their weapons halfe-Pikes, headed with Iron as 
a Harpon,^ which they keepe very bright, they goe wholy 

The Countrey seemeth to be very fruitfuU, and hath great 
store of Tamaryn trees : we found Beanes growing upon a 
high tree, the Cods being two foot long, with answerable 
bignesso, and are very good meate, here are many 

It was no small miserie that wee English indured, espe- 
cially in this Bay. But God the ever-living Commander 
was our only succour. 

The eight wee came aboord Dog hungry and meafclesse, March, 
the fourteenth wee set saile from this place, which we named 
Hungry Bay, shaping our course upon the North side of g^PT 
the He. The nine and twentieth we came with the Hands 
Comoro, lying betweene twelve and thirteene degrees, and nesComoro, 
are five Hands, Mayotta, Ausuame, Maghaglie, Saint Chris- 
tophero, Spirito Sancto.^ The thirtieth we anchored at 
Mayotta close by a Towne, where we found many people 
that seemed to rejoyce at our comming ; they came aboord 
our shippes with presents of Victualls. 

The King sent to have our Chiefe come ashore, promising 

» Harpoon. 

' The Comoro Islands, in the Mozambique Channel, are foar in number, 
viz. : Comoro, Mohilla, Mayotta, and Johanna. St. Christopher, or Juan 
de Nova, Island, is about 350 miles to the southward of the Comoro group, 
about midway in the Mozambique Channel. The island of Johanna is 
sometimes called Anzuan, hence tiie nam6i)7 which it was known to Davis. 












him kinduesse. So our Baase went^ the King met him 
kabt wi^^ many people, having three Druraraes beating before 
him. He was richly apparelled, so were his followers, with 
long silke Garments imbrodred, after the Turkish manner. 
The King having used us with such kindnesse as we 
required, wrote a Letter in our behalfe to the Queen of 
Ansuame, for there is no King. 

The seventeenth we departed : the nineteenth we 
anchored at Ansuame,^ before a City named Demos : which 
hath beene a strong place, as by the mines appeare. Their 
houses are built with free hewed stone and lime, the walls 
of the Citie are most ruinated, that which remaineth is as 
bigge as Plimmoth. This Queene used us exceeding 
friendly ; but she would not be scene. In these Islands we 
had Bice, Oxen, Goats, Cocos, Bonanas, Oranges, Limons, 
and Citrons. The Inhabitants are Negroes, but smooth 
haired, in Religion Mahometists, their weapons are Swords, 
Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. These Islands are pleasing 
in sight, and fruitful! in nature. Here we found Merchants 
of Arabia and India, but what Commodities the Islands 
yeeld, I could not leame. They desire Weapons and Yron ; 
they greatly regard Paper. The eight and twentieth, wee 
departed, passing through the Islands Mascarenhas,^ by the 
sholds do Almirante.^ 

The three and twentieth, we fell with the Islands of 
Maldivia,* which are very low, close by the water, wholly 

1 Johanna. 

* I am inclined to think that the islands here named are the Aldabra 
Islands, or Cosmolodo Group. I^lascarenhas is the old name for the 
island of Bourbon or Reunion, near which tliey could not possibly have 

« The Amirante Islands are the S.W. group of the Seychelles, and 
consist of several detached small islands, coral reefs, and banks. Only 
two have resident negroes upon them, the whole population being under 
100 souls. 

* The Maldive, or Maldivb, Islands consist of nineteen Atolls or coral 
groups extending over a distance of 470 miles of latitude, and 70 of 


covered with Cocos trees, so that we saw the trees but not ^JJ^^i*" 
the shore. Here we anchored, and refreshed our selves : "AtV^inrt 
Many of the Countrey Boats passing by us, but none wouUi "^ 

come to us : whereupon our Baase sent out the ships boats 
to take one of them. The foure and twentieth, they brought 
a Boat aboord us covered with Mats, like a close Biirge. 
In this Boat was a Gentleman and his Wife; ho was 
apparelled in very fine white Linnen, after the Turkish man- 
ner. In his rings were rich stones, his behaviour was so 
sweete and affable, his countenance so modest, and his 
speech so gracefull, as that it made apparant shcwo ho 
could not be lesse then a Noble -man. He was unwilling to 
have his Wife scene : notwithstanding, our Baase went 
with him into his Boat, to see her : ho also oponed her 
Casket, wherein were some Jewels and Amborgreeso. Ho 
reported that she sate with mouruefuU modestio, not using 
one word : what was taken from them I knowe not ; but in 
departing this Gentleman showed a Princely spirit. His 
colour was blacke, with smooth haire, a man of middle 
stature. In these Islands there is great trade by reason of 
the Coc)3s : for they make Ropes, Cables, Saylos, Wibo, 
Oyle, and a kind of bread of that tree, and his fruit. They 
report that there be 11,000 of these Islands. The seven 
and twentieth, wee set sayle : this morning there came an 
old man aboord us that spake a little Tortugall, he was our 
Pilot through the Chanell, for by chance we fell with the 
true passible Chanell named Maldivia, in latitude foure 
degrees, fifteene minutes of the North-pole, where the 
Compasse is varied seven tecne degrees Westerly. In 

longitude, situated in the Indian Ocean, ^i'he islandfl in general are not 
more than five or six feet above the level of the H<?a, and are coverwl 
with cocoa-nut trees, which grow to a height of from 70 to 90 ft., but 
the banyan-tree attains even a greater height, 'i he natives are indus- 
trious, expert navigators, and have shown great kiudnvnH U) shipwreck<;fl 
sailors. They are Muhanimaflans, and are governe<] by a Sultan, wIkac 
rank and title are hereditary. 


^wTth* niissing this Chanel, it is a dangerous place. The trade of 
^r?eabt shipping through this Chanell is very great of divers 
^"'' Nations, from most places of India, as I hope in your Lord- 
ships presence at large to enforme your Honour. 
June. The third we fell with the Coast of India, in eight degrees 

and forty minutes of Northerly latitude, neere about Cochin, 
and coasting this shore^ we shaped our course East for Camo- 
rin, and from thence to the Island Sumatra. The thirteenth, 
we saw the coast of Sumatra, in five degrees forty minutes 
of Northerly latitude. The sixeteenth, we spake with the 
people, staying at an Island by the shore to take in water. 
Achin. The one and twentieth we anchored in the Bay of Achin, 
in twelve fathome. Being here, the King sent his Officers 
to measure the length and breadth of our ships, to take the 
number of our Men and Ordnance, which they did. With 
those Officers, our Baase sent two of his people with Pre- 
sents to the King, a Looking-glasse, a Drinking-glasse, and 
a Bracelet of Corall. The one and twentieth, our men 
came aboord, whome the King had apparelled after his 
Countrey manner, in white Calicut cloth : they brought 
newes of Peace, Welcome, and plenty of Spicery. We 
found foure Barks riding in the Bay, three of Arabia, and 
one of Pegu, that came to lade Pepper. Here was also a 
Portugall, named Don Alfonso Vincent, that came with 
foure Barkes from Malacca, to prevent our trade, as the 
sequell doth shew. The three and twentieth, at mid-night, 
the King sent for our Baase, and sent a Noble man for his 
Hostage : hee went presently on shore, whom the King 
used very kindly, promising him free trade. He apparelled 
him after the Country manner, and gave him a Cryse^ of 
Honour : This Cryse is a kind of Dagger, whose haft and 
handle (for it hath no crosse nor hilt) is made of a kind of 
mettall, which the King esteemeth farre beyond Gold, and 

* A Grease, or Kris, is a formidable dagger, or short sword, used by 
the Mahiys. 


is set with Bubies. This mettall hath a fine lastre : it is ^2!^^^ 


death to weare this Cryse^ bat from the Kings gift : and "trb Kin 
having it, there is absolute freedome to take Victualls with- '*"*' 

out money, and to command the rest as slaves. The sixe 
and twentieth, our Baase came aboord with a Boat-load of 
Pepper, reporting words above credit, how the King had 
used him, of his mightie fortune, and of the wonderful! 
trade that he had procured, with no smal Oaudeamus in 
87iperbia nostra :^ he further said, that the King did often 
demand of him if he were not of England, which he did 
strongly denie, using some unfit speeches of our Nation. SSSefSf'* 
Further, said he, being aboord, I wish I had given a HoUaaders. 
thousand pound that we had no English among us : thus 
we, poore soules, were thrust into the Corner. The seven 
and twentieth, our Merchants went on shore with their 
Merchandise, having an house by the Kings appointment. 

The twentieth, our Baase beeing with the King was ex- juiy. 
ceeding well entertained, the King very importunate to 
know if he were English : Tell me truely (said the King), 
for I love souldiers; and I must further tell you, Alfonso 
hath been earnest with me to betray you, but it shall not 
be ; for I am your friend : and therewith gave him a Purse 
of Gold. He giving thankes, answered that he was not of 
England, but of Flanders, and at the Kings service. I 
have heard of England, said the King, but not of Flanders : 2SnoS* 
what Land is that? He further enquired of their King, 
State, and Government; whereof oar Baase made large 
report, refusing the Authoritie of a King, relating the 
government of Aristocratie. 

He further made sute to the King, to give commande- 
ment that his subjects should not call him English : for it 
was a bittemes unto him : which the King granted. Againe 
he required to know if there were no Englishmen in the 

* Literally, ** Let ua rejoice in our pride.'' In other words, " With 
no small swagger or conceit.'* 

142 THE king's reception op DAVIS. 

^toh" ships : he answered, there be some English in the ships, 
,™HB™J5r l>*it they have been bred up in Flanders. I understand, 

'__ said the King, that there be some that differ both in 

Diveree apparell, lanffuaffe, and fashion : what are those ? he an- 

EnffliBhmen rr ^ & o ' 

in this swered, English; of which my chiefe Pilot is one. Well, 
said the King, I must see those men. As touching your 
Merchandize it shall be thus : I have warres with the King 
of lor (this Kingdome of lor is the South-point of Malacca}^ 
you shall serve me against him with your ships : your re- 
compence shall be your lading of Pepper ; this was agreed. 
The twenty eighth, our Baase came aboord, accompanied 
with one of the Sabandars, the Secretary, Merchants of 
Mecka, Turks, Arabians, and Don Alfonso, with some Por- 
tugalls ; all which departed passing drunke. 

August. The King began to shew an altered countenance the 

twentieth hereof, saying to our Baase, Wherefore doth not 
that English Pilot come to me ? (for he would not suffer me 
nor M. Tomkins to goe on shore). I thinke when you have 
your Pepper, you will runne away without doing me service, 
as you have promised ; whereupon I was presently sent for. 
The one and twentieth, I came on shore. The two and 
twentieth, I went to the King early in the morning, who 
did use me very friendly. I stayed with him foure houres 
or better, banqueting and drinking. After an houre, he 

Davis his caused the Sabandar to stand up, and bad me likewise 

mentwith stand UD. The Sabandar tooke off my Hat, and put a Roll 

the King of ^ ^ ' r 

Achin. Qf white linnen about my head ; then he put about my 
middle a white linnen cloth that came twice about me, 
hanging downe halfe my legge, imbroydered with Gold : 
then againe he tooke the Roll from my Head, laying it 
before the King, and put on a white garment upon me, and 
upon that againe one of red. Then putting on the Roll 
upon my Head, I sate downe in the Kings presence, who 

' Tlio kingdom of fFohorc*. 


drankc to mo in Aquavitae,^ and made me eate of many ^^tia^ 
strange meates. All his service is in Gold, and some in fine xo"hk"a8i 
Porcellane. Hee eateth upon the ground, without Table, ""' 

Napkins, and other linnen. Hee enquired much of Eng- 
land, of the Queene, of her Bashaws, and how she could hold 
warres with so great a King as the Spaniard? (for he 
thinketh that Europe is all Spanish). In these his de- 
mands he was fully satisfied, as it seemed to his great good 

The three and twentieth, the Prince sent for me ; I rid 
to his Court upon an Elephant : hee used me exceeding 
well. Excessive eating and drinking was our entertainment. 
During the small time of my beeing on shore, I met with a 
very sensible Merchant of China, that spake Spanish, of 
whom I learned some things, which I hope will give your 
Lordship good contentment. Here are many of China that 
use trade, and have their particular Towne : so have the 
Portugals, the Gusarates,^ the Arabians, and those of Ben- 
gala and Pegu. Our Baase disliking that I so much fre- 
quented the Chinaes company, commanded me aboord. The 
next day having some sowre lookes of the King, he came 
aboord with a dull spirit. 

The first hereof, the King made shew that we should September, 
receive in Ordnance for the battery of lor, and take in 
Bouldiers to depart for that service. • * 

There were many Gallies manned, and brought out of the 
River, riding halfe a mile from our ships ; the Sea full of 
Prawes^ and Boats all manned : there came aboord us the 
Secretary, named Corcoun, and the chiefe Sabandar named 

1 Aquavitse was a beverage made of beer; it contained a large pro- 
portion of hope, and was well fermented. 

2 Tlie inhahitauts of Gujrat. 

» Pralius. Prahu is the Malay word for a boat. Ihe larger Malay 
war- vessels were over 150 feet in length, and would carry 100 rowers, 
besides about CO fighting men. The Prabus were remarkable for their 






seed, and 

Abdala, with many souldiers weaponed with Courtelasses^ 
rom^ElOT Hand-darts, Cryses, and Targets. They brought with the 
many kinds of meat, and a great Jar of Aquavitae : herewith 
they made shew of friendship with banqueting. 

We mistrusting some treachery, filled our tops with 
stones, made fast our gratings, and prepared our weapons : 
whereat our Baase was exceeding angry, commanding all to 
be dissolved, but we would not. There is in this Countrey 
a kind of Seed, whereof a little beeing eaten, maketh a man 
to turn foole, all things seeming to him to be Metemor- 
phosed ; but above a certaine rate it is deadly poyson : with 
this all the meate and drinke which they brought was 
infected. In banqueting, the Sabandar and Secretarie sent 
for me, M. Tomkins keeping me company, and used some 
words to one of his company, but what I knowe not ; in 
short time we were foole-frolicke, gaping one upon an other 
like Antiques, our Baase being prisoner, and knewe it not. 
Suddenly when a token was given from the other Ship (for 
there the like treachery was used by the Secretary, who 
went from our ship thither to act the same) they set upon 
us, murthered our Baase, and slew divers others, M. Tom- 
kins, my selfe, and a French-man defended the Poope, which 
if they had recovered, our ship had been lost : for they had 
the Cabin, and some were belowe among the Ordnance, by 
^ creeping in at the Ports. The Master of our ship, which 
they call Captaine, leapt into the Sea, so did divers others ; 
but recovered the ship againe, and came aboord when all 
was done. In the end we put them to flight (for our tops 
plagued them sore), which when I saw, I leapt from the 
Poope to pursue them, M. Tomkins leaping after me, there 
came a Turke out of the Cabin, and wounded him grivously, 
they Jay together tombling each for his life : which seeing 
I ranne the Turke in with my Rapier ; and our shipper^ pre- 
sently with a halfe Pike thrust him downe the throat into 

» Schipper is the Dutch for Captain or Master, whence ekipper. 


the body. In the other ship all the chiefest were murdered, ^^^^" 


THi Dutch 

and the shippe taken ; we cut our Cables, and drave to her, ^ruMKln 
and with our shot made the Indians flie : so we recovered ' 
the ship : the G allies^ durst not come neere us. In this 
great miserie it was some pleasure to see how the base 
Indians did flye, how they were killed, and how well they 
were drowned. The Sea was covered with Indian heads : 
for they swamme away by hundreds. 

The Sabandare Abdala, and one of the Kings neere Kins- 
men were slaine, with many others ; and the Secretarie 
hurt. The King being by the Sea-side, with many people, 
when the newes came of the Sabandars death and their 
great overthrow, the furious Infidels murdred all our men 
a shore, only eight excepted, whom the King fettered for 
Slaves. We lost in this misfortune threescore and eight 
persons, of which we are not certaine how many are cap- 
tived : only of eight wee have knowledge. Wee lost two 
fine Pinnasses of twentie tunnes a piece, and our ship 

This day we departed and anchored before the Citie 
Pider,' where we had sent a Pinnasse for Rice, hoping to 
have newes of her, but had not. The second there came 
eleven Gallies with Portugals (as we thought) to take our 
ships. Wee sunke one, and beate the rest : so they fledde. 
This after-noon e came aboord us the sonne of Lafort, a 
French Marchant, dwelling in Seething-Lane, who was one 
of the eight Prisoners, with this Message from the King. 
Shame you not to be such drunken beasts, as in drunken- 
nesse to murder my people, whom I sent to you in kind- 
nesse. Therefore he required our best ship for satisfaction, 
and for the reliefs of our men. Doe this said he to Lafort, 
and I will make you a great Nobleman, but wee would not, 
and being distressed of water, departed to the Hands Pulo 

' A galley was any low flat-built vessel, propelled by both oars and 
sails. ' A town on the north coaat of Sumatra. 



^mV Bot*iD^ upon the Coast of Quedia^ in six degrees fifty 

™K^K^ minutes, where we refreshed and watered. 


During the time of our abode in Achien, we received 
into both our ships a hundred and fortie tuns of Pepper, 
what stones or other Marchandize I know not. But at 
the day of Treason our Marchants lost all the Money and 
Marchandize a-shore, which they report to bee of great 
value, and many young Adventurers were utterly ruinated : 
among which I doe most grieve at the losse of poore John 
Davis, who did not only lose my friendly Factor, but also 
all my Europe Commodities, with those things which I had 
provided to shew my dutie and love to my best Preinds. 

So I may conclude, that although India did not receive 
mee very rich, yet she hath sent mee away reasonable 

The He Sumatra is a pleasing and fertile Soyle, abound- 
ing with many rare and excellent Fruites ; of Graine they 
have only Rice, which is their Bread. They plowe the 
ground with Buffs,^ of which there are great plentie, but 
with small skill and lesse diligence. 
Rice. The Rice groweth in all respects as our Barley. 

Pepper. Of Pepper they have exceeding plentie. Gardens of a 

mile square, it groweth like Hops from a planted Root, and 
windeth about a stake set by it untill it grow to a great bushie 
Tree.* The Pepper hangeth in small clusters, three inches 
long, and an inch about, each cluster having fortie Pepper 
Comes, it yeeldeth increase equall with Mustard Seed. 
They bee able to lade twentie ships yearly ; and more 
might, if the people were industrious and laboursome. 
The whole Countrey seemeth to be a Garden of pleasure. 
The Ayre is temperate and wholsome, having everie mom- 

' Quedah. • Probably Water buffaloes. 

• The IHper nigrum^ according to Balfour, is a climbing East Indian 
plant, the dried unripe fruit of which constitute Black pepper. White 
pepper is the ripe fruit with the dark outer fleshy covering washed off. 


ing a fraitfiill dew, or small raine. The Haven that goeth yotaob 


to the Citie of Achien is small, having but six foot at the m dutch 

TO THB East 

barre. And there standeth a Fort made of stone, round ^oim. 

without covering, battlements, or flankers,^ low walled like 

a Pownd, a worse cannot bee conceived. Before this Fort 
is a very pleasant Boad for ships, the wind still comming 
from the shore, a shippe may ride a mile off in eighteene 
fathomes, close by in four and sixe fathomes. Of Beasts, 
heere are Elephants, Horses, Buffes, Oxen and Goates, with 
many wild Hogs. 

The Land hath plentie of Gold and Copper Mines, divers Minoii of 
kinds of Gummes, Balmes, and many kinds of Drugges, ^Jf^™" 
and much Indico. Of Stones, there are Rubies, Saphires, 
and Garnets : but I know not that they grow there. They 
have passing good Timber for shipping. 

The Citie of Achien, if it may be so called, is very spa- ^^^^^ 
cious, built in a Wood, so that wee could not see a house 
till we were upon it. Neither could wee goe into any place, 
but wee found houses, and great concourse of people : so 
that I thinke the Towne sproadeth over the whole land. 
Their houses are built eight foote or better from the 
ground upon posts of wood, with free passage under, the 
wals and covering of Mats, the poorest and weakest things 
in the World. I saw three great Market places, which are 
every day frequented as Faires with all kindes of Marchan- 
dize to sell. 

The Kinc? is called Sultan Aladin, and is an hundred Suiten 

^ ' ^ Aladin. 

yeares old, as they say, yet hee is a lustie man, but ex- 
ceeding grosse and fat. In the beginning of his life he 
was a fisher-man : (of which this place hftth very many ; for 
they live most upon fish :) and going to the Warres with 

* Flankers (from the French Jianquer) were the fortifications raised on 
the walls of a city like bulwarks, or countermures. The latter, derived 
from the French contremure^ was a wall made in defence against another, 
opposite to the city wall. 




voTAOB the former Kins: shewed himselfe so valiant and discreet in 


To"TH^^ESr ordering the Kings Gallies, that gaining the Kings favour, 
ijiDiM. YiQ was made Admirall of his Sea-forces, and, by his valour 
and discretion, the King so imbraced him that he gave him 
to Wife one of his neerest Kinswomen. The King having 
one only Daughter married her to the King of lor, by whom 
shee had a sonne : this Childe was sent to Achien to bee 
nourished under his Grand-father, being Heire to the 
Kingdome; the King that now is, was now chiefe Com- 
mander, both by Land and Sea. The olde King suddenly 
dyed, this King tooke the protection of the Childe, against 
which the Nobilitie resisted, but he having the Kings force 
and taking oportunitie, ended the lives of more then a 
thousand Noblemen and Gentlemen : and of the rascall 
people made new Lords and new Lawes. In fine, the 
Childe was murthered, and then he proclaymed himselfe 
King by the right of his Wife. Hereupon arose great 
Warre betweene him and the King of lor, which continueth 
to this day. These twentie yeares he hath by force held 
the Kingdome, and now seemeth to bee secure in the 

His Court is from the Citie halfe a mile upon the River, 
having three Guards before any can come to him, and a 
great Greene betweene each Guard ; his house is built as 
the rest are, but much higher, hee sitteth where hee can see 
all that come to any of his Guards, but none can see 
him. The wals and covering of his house are Mats, which 
sometime is hanged with cloth of Gold, sometime with 
Velvet, and sometime with Damaske. Hee sitteth upon 
the ground crosse-legged like a Taylor, and so must all 
those doe that be in his presence. He always weareth 
foure Cresis, two before and two behind, exceeding rich 
with Diamonds and Rubies ; and hath a Sword lying upon 
his lap. He hath attending upon him fortie women at the 
least, some with Fannes to coolo him, some with Clothes to 



dry his sweat, some give liini AquavitaD/ others water : ,^^ 
the rest sing pleasant Songs. He doth nothing all the day ^ thb^rast 

but eate and drinke, from morning to night there is no end '__ 

of banquetting: and when his belly is readie to breake, 
then he eateth Arecca Betula,^ which is a fruit like a Nut- 
meg, wrapped in a kind of leafe like Tabacco, with sharpe 
chalke made of Pearle Oyster-shels : chawing this, it 
maketh the spittle very red, draweth the Bhume exceed- 
ingly, and procureth a mightie stomacke : this maketh the 
teeth very blacke, and they be the braveth that have the 
blackest teeth. By this meanes getting again his sto- 
macke, he goeth with a fresh courage to eating. And for 
a Change with a Cracking Gorge, heo goeth into the 
Biver, where he hath a place made of purpose, there getting 
a stomacke by being in the water. Hee^ his great men and 
women doe nothing but eate, drinke, and talke of Venerie. 
If the Poet's Fables have any shew of truth, then un- 
doubtedly this King is the great Bacchus. For he holdeth 
all the Ceremonies of Gluttonie. 

As in all places of Europe the Custome is by uncovering 
the head to shew reverence, in this place it is wholly 
contrary. For, before any man can come to the Kings 
presence, he must put of his hose and shooes, and come 
before him bare-legged, and bare-footed, holding the palmes 
of the hands together, and heaving them up above his 
head, bowing with the bodie, must say, Doulat ; which done 

> See note 1, p. 143. 

' llie Betel nut is the fruit of a palm, Areca Catechu^ and is remark- 
able for its narcotic or intoxicating powers. It has been doubted 
whether this effect is due to itself or to the piper leaf in which it is 
invariably wrapped when eaten. Blume tells us that the Asiatic nations 
would rather forego meat and drink than the use of their favourite 
betel nuts. Whole ship-loads of the Areca nuts are annually exported 
from Sumatra, Malacca, Siam, and Cochin China. As they contain a 
large proportion of tannin^ they are also used in some parts of India for 
dyeing cotton cloths. 


^wTm* dutie is discharged. And so hee sitteth downe crosse- 

TcTm Ran ^GgR^d in the Kings presence. Hee doth onely spend the 

"*' time in eating with women, and Cock-fighting. And such 

as is the King^ such are his Subjects ; for the whole Land 

is given to no other contentment. 

His State is governed by five principall men, with their 
inferiour officers, his Secretarie, and foure called Sabandars, 
with these resteth all authoritie. The Kings will is their 
Law. For it seemeth there is no Free-man in the Land: 
for the life and goods of all is at the King^s pleasure. Hee 
will make no Offenders happie by death, but cutteth off their 
hands and feete, and banisheth them to an He named Polo- 
wey.^ If he put any to death, the Elephants teare him to 
pieces, or they drive a stake into his fundament, and so he 
dyeth. There are Gaoles and many fettered Prisoners that 
goe about the Towne. 

His women are his chiefest Counsellors ; hee hath three 
Wives, and very many Concubines, which are very closely 

Hee hath very many dailies, I thinke an hundred, some 
that will carry foure hundred men, made like a Wherrie, 
very long and open, without Decke, Fore-castell, Chase, or 
any upper building. Their Oares are like Shovels of foure 
foote long, which they use only with the hand, not resting 
them upon the Galley. They beare no Ordnance ; with these 
hee keepeth his Neighbours in obedience. 

A woman is his Admirall, for hee will trust no men. 
Their Weapons are Bowes, Arrowes, Javelings, Swords, 
Targets ; they have no defensive Armes, but fight naked. 

Hee hath great store of Brasse Ordnance, which they 
use without Carriages, shooting them as they lye upon the 
ground. They be the greatest that I have ever seene, and 
the Mettall is reported to be rich of Gold. The trust of his 
land force standeth upon his Elephants. 

* An island off the north coast of Sumatra. 


These people boast themselves to come of Ismael and ^J^" 
Hagar^ and can reckon the Genealogie of the Bible per- ^■■'b!^ 
fectly. In Beligion they are Mahometists, and pray with '"^**' 
Beades as the Papists doe. They bring up their Children 
in Learning, and have many Schooles. They have an 
Archbishop and Spirituall Dignities. Here is a Prophet 
in Achien, whom they greatly honour; they say that hee 
hath the spirit of Prophesie, as the Ancients have had. He 
is dignified from the rest in his Apparell, and greatly 
imbraced of the King. 

The people are generally very cunning Merchants, and 
wholy dedicated thereunto. Of Mechanicall Artesmen, they 
have Gold-smithes, Gun-founders, Ship-wrights, Taylors, 
Wevers, Hatters, Pot-makers, and AquavitaB Stillers, which 
is made of Rice (for they must drinke no Wine), Cutlers, 
and Smithes. 

As touching their Burials, every Generation or Einred 
have their particular place to burie their dead ; which is in 
the Fields. They lay the Corps with the head towards 
Mecha, having a free Stone at the head, and another at the 
feete, curiously wrought, thereby signifying the worthinesse 
of the person. 

But in the place of the Kings Burials, every grave hath 
a piece of Gold at the head, and another at the foot, 
weighing at the least five hundred pound weight, cunningly 
imbossed and wrought. This King hath two such Peeces in 
making and almost finished, which wee saw, that are a 
thousand pound weight a piece, and shall bee richly set with 
stones. I did greatly desire to see the Kings Burialls, 
because of the great wealth therein ; but could not. I doe 
almost beleeve it to be true, because this King hath made 
two such costly monuments. 

The people that trade in this place are of China, Bengala, 
Pegu, Java, Coromandel, Gusarate, Arabia, and Rumos. The Turkea 
Bumos is in the Bed Sea, and is the place from whence Ramot m 


VoTAQi divers shots, but in a calme under the land she escaped. 

WITH ' * 

"m^AST The rest durst not come neere us : for they are very 
""^ Cowards, proud and basa 

The eighteene hereof wee shaped our course for the Citie 
Tanasserin^ for it is a place of great trade; the five and 
twentieth we anchored among the Hands in the Bay, in 
eleven degrees, twentie minutes of the Pole Articke. Being 
here we were very much crossed with bad winds, so that 
wee could not recover the Citie, for it standeth twentie 
leagues within the Bay. Being in verie great distresse of 
victuals we departed hence, shaping our course for the Hands 
Nicobar, hoping there to find reliefe. 

Noyember. The twelfth WO anchored at the Hands Nicobar in eight 

Nioobftr. degrees of North Latitude, where the people brought us 
great store of Hens, Oranges, Limons, and other Fruit, and 
some Ambergreece, which we bought for pieces of linen- 
cloth and Table Napkins. These lies are pleasant and fruit* 
full, low land, and have good road for ships. The people 
are most base, only living upon fruits and fish, not manuring 
the ground, and therefore have no Bice. The sixteenth 
wee departed, shaping our course for the He Zeilon,^ for wee 
were in great distresse, especially of Bice. 

December. The sixt, by Gods great goodnesse^ we tooke a ship of 
Negapatam, which is a Citie in the Coast of Coromandell, 
shee was laden with Eise, bound to Achien. There were in 
her threescore persons, of Achien, of Java, of Zeilon, of 
Pegu, Narsinga,^ and Coromandel. By these people wee 

M*tec»iou learned that in Zeilon there is a Citie named Matecalou, a 

in Zeilon, a ' 

giS^^teade. p'^^o of great Trade, and that there wee might load our 
ships with Sinamon, Pepper, and Cloves. They also said 
that in Zeilon were great store of precious stones and 
Pearles : that the Countrey doth abound with all kind of 
Victuals, and that the King is an exceeding Enemie to the 

* Ceylon. 

* An inland town of the province of Bengal. 


Portugals ; they also told us of a Citie Darned TrinquaDamale,^ ^S^* 
where was the like Trade. TOm^E^r 

So they promised to lade our ships, and royally to victaall _JL1_1-. 

us, for little money. Hereupon we laboured by all possible 
meanes to recover the said places, but could not, for the wind 
was exceeding contrary. Then these Indians told us that 
if we would stay untill January, we should have more then a 
hundred ships come close by that shore laden with Spicerie, 
Linnen-cloth, and China Commodities ; besides stones and 
other wealth. 

To stay there as a man of Warre our Govemour would 
not agree: but to stay and in taking any thing to pay 
for the same he was content, for so was his Commission; 
to this the Company would not agree. Whereupon the 
eight and twentieth hereof we shaped our course home- 
ward, haying beaten sixteene dayes upon this Coast to 
recover Matecalou. We discharged our Prise the eighteenth ^[jJL^J^ 
hereof, having taken the best part of her Bice, for which 
our Chiefe payed them to their content. But the Companie 
tooke away the Money and Merchandise from the Indians 
with much disorder; we tooke with us twelve of the Indians 
of severall places : who, after we could a little understand 
them, told us that the Marchants had great store of precious 
stones in the ship, which they had hid under the Timbers. 
Of what truth that report is I know not. They would not 
suffer Master Tomkins nor me to goe aboord the Prise : for 
what reasons I know not. 


The fift hereof our meate was poysoned, but God preserved March leoo. 
us, for one tasting the same by chance or greedinesse (for it 
was fresh fish) was presently infected: before the meate came 
to us it was strongly poysoned, for our Surgeon tooke almost 
a spoonfull of Poyson out of one fish, but this is not the 

» Trincomalce. 



^^^ first time, if the grieved would complaine. The tenth wee 
to'thk eTk ^©11 with Cape Bona Esperaza, where wee had a great storme : 
_____ the sixe and twentieth wee doubled the same. 
Apriu. rjy^Q thirteenth we anchored at the lie Saint Helena, 

B. Helena, ^i^^j^ jg rookie and mountanous, lying in sixteene degrees 
of South latitude ; here wee found good water, figs, and fish 
in plentie : there be Goats, but hard to get. The fifteenth^ 
at Sun-set, there came a CaravelP into the Boad, who 
anchored a large Musket-shot to wind-ward of us. She 
was utterly unprovided, not having one Peece mounted : we 
foaght with her all this night, and gave her, as I thinke, 
better then two hundred shot. In eight houres shee never 
made shot nor shew of regard; by midnight shee had placed 
sixe Peeces which she used very well, shot us often through, 
and slew two of our men. So the sixteenth, in the morning, 
we departed, having many sick men, shaping our course for 
Sim***^ the He Ascention, where we hope to have reliefe. This 
three and twentieth we had sight of Ascention, in eight 
degrees of South latitude ; this He hath neither wood, water^ 
nor any greene thing upon it, but is a fruitless greene Eocke 
of five leagues broad.^ The foure and twentieth, at midnight^ 
wee agreed to goe for the He Fernando Loronio, where wee 
are acquainted and know that there is reliefe sufficient. For 
at this He wee stayed ten weekes outward bound, when we 
could not double Cape Saint Augustine.^ 
May. The sixt we arived at the He Fernando Loronio, where 

wee stayed sixe dayes to water and refresh our selves. The 
thirteenth we departed, shaping our course for England. 
July. The nine and twentieth of July we arrived at Middle- 


1 Caravel or carvel (from the Italian Caravella)^ was a light vesBel, 
carryiDg a high square poop, and generally between one and two hon-* 
dred tons burthen. They were, invariably, lateen rigged, though some 
carried square sails on the foremast. 

« See note 1, p. 161. * See note 4, p. 133. 

The second Voyage of John Davis with Sir Edward 

Michelbome, Knight, into the East-Indies, in the Tigrey a 

ship of two hundred and fortie Tuns, with a Pinnasse 

called the Tigre$ Whelpe: which, though in time it be 

later then the first of the East-Indian Societie, 

yet because it was not set forth by them, 

I have heere placed.^ 

The fift of December, 1604, we set saile from the Cowes in 
the lie of Wight. The three and twentieth we arrived at 
Teneriffe, in the road of Aratana.* The fourteenth of 
January at night we were troubled with extreme heate, 
lightnings, thunder and raine all the night. 

The sixteenth we passed under the Equinoctiall Line, 
shaping our course for the He Loronnah,' the wind being at 
South South-east, our course South South-west; and some 
three degrees South-ward of the Line, we met with such 
multitudes of fish, as it is incredible to report, so that with 
our Hookes, Lines, and Harping Irons,* wee tooke so many 
Dolphines,^ Bonitos,^ and other fishes, that our men were 

> The account of this voyage is taken from Purchas, vol. i. The writer 
is unknown. 

* Probably Oratava, situated on the north-west side of the island. A 
very insecure and dangerous anchorage, especially during the winter 
months. As a rule, ships only go there in the summer to take in wine. 

* The island of Fernando Noronha. * Harpoons. 

* The fish here alluded to docs not in reality belong to the order Del- 
phinus, but is the Dorado or Coryphtena hippunh, which throws out the 
most brilliant and changing colours during its death-struggle ; hence 
the old story regarding the loveliness of the hues of the dying dolphin. 
The Dorado inhabits warm seas, and is deservedly appreciated for the 
excellence of its flesh. 

* llie Bonito or Tunny, Thynnus pelamys, belongs to the scumber or 
niackarel family of fishes. It is much larger than the common mackarel, 




SO wearie with eating of fish, that we coald not tell what to 

doe with it. Moreover there were fowles called Pashara- 

PMhAra- boues, and Alcatrarzes. We tooke many of those Pashara- 
boues,^ for it is a fowle that delighteth to come to a ship in 
the night; and if you doe but hold up your hand, they will 
light upon it. The other foule, called Alcatrarzi,^ is a kind 
of Hawlke that liveth by fishing. For when the Bonitos or 
Dolphines doe chase the flying fish under the water, so that 
he is glad to flee from them out of the water to save his 
Aicatrassi. life^ this Alcatrarzi flyeth after them like a Hawke after a 
Partridge. Of these flying fishes I have seene so many flee 
together, that you would have thought them to be a great 
flocke of Birds afarre off. They are but little fishes, 
scarsly so big as an Hering. 
The He of The two and twentieth we came to an anker at the He of 


de^Loron- Loronnah,' being foure degrees to the South-ward of the 

and was a very favourite fish with the Spaniards, from whom it received 
the name by which it is more generally known. Bonito^ in Spanish, 
signifying good. 

' This must be the Brown Gannet, Sula fusca^ or Booby, a well- 
known tropical sea-bird of the Pelacanidas family. It receives its name, 
Booby, from the mariners, on account of the easy way in which it 
allows itself to be caught. The word Pasharaboiie, used in the narra- 
tive, was in all probability derived from the two Spanish words Pajaro, 
** a bird", and Boho, " foolish". 

• This is, doubtless, the common white Pelican, Pelicamis onscrotalus^ 
called by the Spaniards Alcatraz. These birds usually make their nests 
in remote and solitary islands. Columbus mentions seeing the Alcatraz 
as he approached America, and Drayton says : — 

** Most like to that sharp-sighted alcatras^ 
That beats the air above the liquid glass.** 

It appears a great stretch of the imagination to liken these birds to 
hawks, as is done by the historian of l^iichelbornc's voyage. The Alba- 
tross has not unfrequently, though wrongly, been called alcatraz by the 
navigators of the sixteenth century. 

* Water is scarce at the island and cannot always be brought off on 
account of the heavy surf, which is as bad now, as it appears to have 
been when visited by Michelborne. A strong current runs to the west- 
ward. See note 5, page 133. 


Line, where, in going on shore, our SkiflTe was over-set, by ^J2«" 
reason of the violent breach^ that the Sea made, at which ^^^^^*' 
time was drowned a Kinsman of oar General!, called Master 
Richard Michelburne, and all the rest were saved. 

The five and twentieth, our long Boate going to fill some 
emptie Caske with water, came againe within the danger of 
that unfortunate Sea, and was over-set, and two more of our 
men drowned. Here wee were very much troubled in 
getting wood and water aboord, because the landing was so 
dangerous that wee were forced to pull our Caske on shore 
with Bopes, and so backe againe when it was filled. Not 
sixe dajes before we came hither, there was an Hollander 
here, which sent his Boat for water, which was broken all 
into pieces against the Bockes, and his mens braines beaten 
out, and their armes and legs cut from their bodies. 

The sixe and twentieth, our Generall went on shore to see 
the Hand, and marching up and downe in the same, wee 
found nothing but a wild Countrey, inhabited ouely by sixe 
Negros, which live like slaves.^ In this Hand have beene 
great store of Goates, and some wild Oxen ; but by reason 
the Portugal! Carakes' sometimes use to water here when 
they go into the Bast-Indies, and that these poore slaves 
are left there as their servants, to kill and drie Goates 
against their comming thither, they have destroyed both 
Goats and Oxen, so that wee could find but few. In this 
Hand are great store of Turtle-Doves, Alcatrarzes, and 
other Fowle, which wee killed with our Pieces, and found 
them to be very daintie meate. Also heere is good store of 
Maiz or Guynie Wheat.* Here are likewise plentie of 

* See note 2, page 117. 

* Davis, in his previous voyage with the Dutch in 1598, reports the 
existence of twelve negroes on this island— eight men and four women. 

' Carack was the name given by the Spaniards and Portuguese to a 
large round-built veasel, constructed especially for the Brazilian and 
East Indian trade. They were adapted for fighting, as well as for com- 
merce. Hippus, the Tyrian, is credited with being the designer of this 
class of ship. * See note 6, p. 183. 

160 A 8EA OF FIRE. 

^lAiiT*" rotten Trees, whereon groweth the fine Bombast/ and 
^^^^^'' abundance of wild Goards, and Water-melons. When we 

were furnished with wood and water we came aboord. 

The twelfth of Februaiy, wee found ourselves to bee in 
seven degrees five minutes to the South-ward ; in which 
giittering^of place at night, I thinke I saw the strangest Sea that ever 
was scene : which was. That the burning or glittering light 
of the Sea did shew to us, as though all the Sea over had 
beene burning flames of fire; and all the night long, the 
Moone being downe, you might see to read in any booke 
by the light thereof.* 

> Sir Joseph Hooker has kindly furnished the following information 
regarding this plant, obtained from Mr. H. W. Moseley, who, as one of 
the scientific staff employed on board U.M.S. Challenger^ visited the 
island of Fernando Noronha, during the recent cruise of that Yeasel. 
He says the ^* fine bombast** is probably a climbing Asclepiad, specimens 
of which he procured on the island, and which were subsequently for- 
warded to Kew. It bears large pods full of a silky substance, which 
might easily be mistaken for cotton. The word **fine", he conjec- 
tures, may indicate the silky and delicate appearance of the substance. 
The plant was found growing on living trees, with plenty of gourds, 
similar to those referred to in the text. He suggests that the rotten 
trees alluded to are, possibly, the abundant Jatropha gossypifolia which, 
in the dry season, are devoid of leaves, and therefore conspicuous 
amongst the foliage of the other trees, by their dead and withered 
appearance. Both water-melons and marsh-melons were found by Mr. 
Moseley growing abundantly on the island. 

« Darwin, in his exceedingly interesting narrative entitled^ Naturalist^s 
Voyage round the World, ascribes this peculiar phosphorescent condition 
of the sea to be '* the result of the decomposition of the organic particles, 
by which process (one is tempted almost to call it a kind of respiration) 
the ocean becomes purified". This conclusion is based upon the fact that 
when this phenomenon was observed, the water was in an impure state, 
charged with gelatinous particles, and that the luminous appearance 
was produced *'by the agitation of the fluid in contact with the atmo- 
sphere**. The particles were so minute that, although many were visible 
to the naked eye, they were easily passed through fine gauze. 

His description of this peculiar appearance of the sea, as first witnessed 
by himself, fully confirms the account given above in the narrative, 
more especially as it was observed in the same locality. He says, at 


The thirteenth day in the morning, wee descried an ^la»t** 
Hand, or rather indeed a Bocko. The name is Ascention^ __^_^1' 

the height eight degrees thirtie minutes to the South- 

The first of Aprill, toward night, wee descried Land from ^p^i- 
the maine top, which bare off us South South-East, when 
according to our reckoning and accounts, wee were not 
neere by fortie leagues, but yet the variation of the 

page 162 : — ** While sailing a little south of the Plata, on one very dark 
night, the sea presented a wonderful and most beautiful spectacle. 
There was a fresh breeze, and every part of the surface, which during 
the day is seen as foam, now glowed with a pale light. The vessel drove 
before her bows two billows of liquid phosphorus, and in her wake she 
was followed by a milky train. As far as the eye reached, the crest of 
every wave was bright, and the sky above the horizon, from the reflected 
glare of these livid flames, was not so utterly obscure as over the vault of 
the heavens. 

" The water, when placed in a tumbler and agitated, gave out sparks ; 
but a small portion in a watch-glass scarcely ever was luminous. 

^^ On two occasions, I have observed the sea luminous at considerable 
depths beneath the surface. Near the mouth of the Plata, some circular 
and oval patches, from two to four yards in diameter, and with defined 
outlines, shone with a steady, but pale, light ; while the surrounding 
water only gave out a few sparks. The appearance resembled the re- 
flection of the moon, or some luminous body ; for the edges were sinu- 
ous from the undulations of the surface. Near Fernando Noronha the 
sea gave out lights in flashes. The appearance was very similar to that 
which might be expected from a large fish moving rapidly through a 
luminous fluid. The phenomenon is more common in warm than in cold 
countries, and I have sometimes imagined that a disturbed electrical 
condition of the atmosphere was most favourable to its production. Cer- 
tainly, I think the sea is most luminous after a few days of more calm 
weather than ordinary, during which time it has swarmed with various 

> This is incorrect. The latitude of the Island of Ascension is 7° 55' 
S. The island is a volcanic rock, although Green Mountain, 2,800 feet 
above the level of the sea, is covered with a rich vegetation. The sum- 
mit of this mountain is frequently enveloped in clouds and vapour, but 
rain seldom falls there. Turtles are abundant on the island, and are 
strictly preserved by Government. Ascension is now a great naval ren- 
dezvous for the squadron on the west coast of Africa. 

* M 


Dattb'b Compasse did tell us that wee were on Land thirtie leagues 
VoTAea. before we saw Land. • 

The second day, in the morning, we were hard by the 
shore, which was ten or twelve leagues to the North- ward 
of the Bay of Saldannah. 

The third day, we sayled by a little Hand, which Captain 

John Davis tooke to be an Hand, that standeth some five or 

six leagues from Saldannah. Whereupon our Generally 

Sir Edward Michelburne, desirous to see the Hand, took 

his Skiffe, accompanied with no more then the Masters 

Mate, the Purser, and my selfe, and foure men that did row 

the Boat, and so putting off from the Ship wee came on 

land; while wee were on shore, they in the Ship had a 

storme, which drave them out of sight of the Hand ; and 

wee were two dayes and two nights before wee could 

recover our Ship. Upon the said Hand is abundance of 

Conienand. great Conies, and Scales, whereupon we called it Cony Hand.^ 

The eighth day, we came to an Anchor in the Boad of 


intf ^aid ^^^ ninth wee went on shore, finding a goodly Countrey, 

of^idan. inhabited by a most savage and beastly people as ever I 

thinke God created. 

In this place wee had excellent good refreshing: in so 
much that I thinke the like place is not to be found among 
savage people. For wee neither wanted Beefe, Mutton^ 
nor Wilde-Fowle all the time we lay there. 

This Countrey is very full of Oxen and Sheepe, which they 
keepe in great Heards and Flocks, as we do our Cattle in 
* England. Moreover, it doth abound with store of wild 

Beasts and Fowles, as wild Deere in great abundance. Ante- 
lops, Babions/ Foxes, and Hares, Ostriches, Cranes, Peli- 

1 Dassen, or Coney, Island, in latitude 33** 26' S., is about eight leagues 
south of Saldanha Bay. * See note 4, page 134. 

» Baboons. Drayton in his *' Man in the Moon", says : — 
*' The nimble Bahion mourning all the time. 
Nor eats betwixt my waning and my prime." 


cans, Herons, Geese, Duckes, Phesants, Partridges, and datib's 
divers other sorts of excellent Fowles. Of which Fowles wee ^**^^^'- 
killed great store with our Pieces. It is also most pleasantly 
watered with wholesome springs, which have their begin- 
ning from the tops of exceeding high Mountaines, which, 
falling into the Vallies, make them very fruitfuU. Also 
there is a kind of Trees, not much unlike to Bay Trees, but 
of a farre harder substance, that grow close by the Sea side. 
The people of the Countrey brought us more Bullockes and 
Sheepe then wee could spend all the time wee stayed there, 
so that we carryed fresh Beefe and Mutton to Sea with us. 
For a piece of an old yron Hoope, not worth twopence, you 
might buy a great BuUocke, and for a piece of yron, not Their wo- 
worth two or three good Horse Nayles, you might buy a are weii 
Sheepe. They goe naked, save onely they weare upon their fiJ^^®^^^ 
shoulders a Sheepe skin, and before their privities a little oSIstoSe. 
flap of a skin, which covereth as much as though they had nowin 
none at all before them. In the time of our being there quest with 


they lived upon the guts and filth of the meate which we did 
cast away, feeding in most beastly manner, for they would 
neither wash nor make cleane the guts, but take them and 
cover them over with hote ashes, and before they were 
through hote they pulled them out, shaking them a little in 
their hands, and so eate both the guts, the excrements, and 
the ashes. They live upon raw flesh, and a certaine kind j^^'^^J^t 
of roote which they have, which groweth there in great 
abundance. In this place we lay on shore from the ninth 
of April until the third of May. By which good recreation 
and refreshing wee found ourselves in as good health as 
when wee put to Sea at the verie first. 

The seventh of May wee were South off the Cape of Bona J^J^JJ ^! 
Esperanca, by estimation tenne leagues. This night we'*"**- 
passed over the shoalds of Cape Das Aguilhas.^ a^Sm. 

The ninth day rose a mightie storme, at which time we 

' See note 2, p. 136. 



Dati8*b lost Sight of our Pinasse, being driven by violence of 

YoTAOK. weather from her. This storm continued for the space of 

two dayes and two nights most fearefull and dangerous, with 

raine, lightning, and thunder, and often shipping of much 

Sr^ °' ^a*^r. The Portugals call this place The Lion of the Sea, 
by reason of the extreame fury and danger which they find 
in doubling of this Cape. In the extremitie of our storme 
appeared to us in the night, upon our maine Top-mast head^ 
a fiame about the bignesse of a great Candle, which the 

^^^ Portugals call Corpo Sancto, holding it a most' divine token 
that when it appeareth the worst is past. As, thanked be 
God, we had better weather after it. Some thinke it to be a 
spirit : others write that it is an exhalation of moyst vapours 
that are ingendred by foule and tempestuous weather. Some 
affirme that the Ship is fortunate where it lighteth, and that 
shee shall not perish. It appeared unto us two nights 
together^ after which time we had a faire wind and good 

^ These balls of electric light are frequently observed daring a thunder 
storm, flickering about the mast-heads and yard-arms of vessels, lliey 
are sometimes called, by seamen, Compasant^ the word being a cor- 
ruption of cuerpo santo^ the name given to this electric phenomenon 
by the Spanish mariners of old, who imagined that the lights were 
sure indications of the presence of their gtmrdian saint and patron, 
St. Elmo. They arc also called St. Elmo Lights. Flinj mentions them 
as being noticed by the Romans, playing about their vessels, a 
circumstance to which Seneca also makes allusion. Clavijo, in the 
year 1403, during his voyage from Cadiz to Constantinople, relates the 
following appearance of these lights : — '•'' During the tempest, the captain 
caused the litanies to be sung, and everyone sought mercy from God. 
ITie prayers being concluded, and the tempest still raging, a bright light 
appeared on the mast head of the carrack, and another light was seen on 
the bowsprit, which is that part of the ship ahead of the forecastle, and 
another on the yard arm, which is over the poop ; and all who were on 
board the carrack saw these lights, for they were called up to see them, 
and remained some time to see if they would disappear, but they did not 
cease to shine during the storm, and presently all those on board went 
to sleep, except the captain and certain mariners, whose duty it was to 


The twenty-fourth, the He De Diego Roiz,' standing in the d^tib's 
Latitude of nineteen degrees and fortie minutes to the ^**^^^'' 
South- ward, and in the Longfitude of ninetie-eisfht desrrees The He de 

' ^ S 6 Diego RoU 

in 19 de- 
grees 40 

keep watch. The captain and two mariners, who were awake, heard minutes, 
the voices of men in the air, and the Captain asked the mariners if they 
heard that noise ; they replied that they did ; and all this time the tempest 
did not abate. Soon afterwards they again saw those lights, returned to 
the places where they had been before ; so they awoke the rest of the 
crew, who also saw the lights, and the Captain told them of the voices 
he had heard. These lights remained as long as it would take to say a 
mass, and presently the storm ceased.*' 

In the narrative of the second voyage of Columbus, written by his 
brother Ferdinand, this electrical display is thus alluded to :— '^ On the 
same Saturday, in the night,wa8 seen St. Elmo, with seven lighted tapers, 
at the topmast. There was much rain and great thunder. I mean to say 
that those lights were seen which mariners affirm to be the body of St. 
Elmo, on beholding which they chanted many litanies and orisons, 
holding it for certain that in the tempest in which he appears no one 
is in danger.'^ 

Figafetta also, in his account of Magellan *& Voyage in 1519, says : — 
*' During these storms the body of St. Anselme appeared to us several 
times ; amongst others, one night that it was very dark on account of 
the bad weather, the said saint appeared in the form of a fire lighted 
at the summit of the mainmast, and remained there near two hours and 
a half, which comforted us greatly, for we were in tears, only expecting 
the hour of perishing ; and when that holy light was going away from 
us it gave out so great a brilliancy in the eyes of each that we were near 
a quarter-of-an-hour like people blinded, and calling out for mercy. 
For without any doubt nobody hoped to escape from that storm. It is 
to be noted, that all and as many times as that light which represents the 
said St. Anselme shows itself and descends upon a vessel which is in a 
storm at sea, that vessel never is lost. Immediately that this light had 
departed the sea grew calmer.*^ 

St. Erasmus was Bishop of Naples. The Italians called him St 
Eremo. The name got corrupted into Santermo, which the Spaniards 
converted into St. Elmo. He was especially the patron saint of those 
sailors who navigated along the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. He 
was one of the bishops of the early church who suffered martyrdom 
during the persecution of the Christians under Diocletian and Maxi- 

' Rodriguez Island is situated in lat., 19° 40' S., and long., 62^ 45' E. 



Dati8*b lost Sight of our Pinasse, being driven by violence of 

YoTAGK. weather from her. This storm continued for the space of 

two dayes and two nights most fearefuU and dangerous, with 

raine, lightning, and thunder, and often shipping of much 

ibeB^ °' water. The Portugals call this place The Lion of the Sea, 
by reason of the extreame fury and danger which they find 
in doubling of this Cape. In the extremitie of our storme 
appeared to us in the night, upon our maine Top-mast head, 
a flame about the bignesse of a great Candle, which the 

^^^ Portugals call Corpo Sancto, holding it a most' divine token 
that when it appcareth the worst is past. As, thanked be 
God, we had better weather after it. Some thinke it to be a 
spirit : others write that it is an exhalation of moyst vapours 
that are ingendred by foule and tempestuous weather. Some 
affirme that the Ship is fortunate where it lighteth, and that 
shee shall not perish. It appeared unto us two nights 
together, after which time we had a faire wind and good 

' These balls of electric light are frequently observed during a thunder 
storm, flickering about the mast-heads and yard-arms of vessels, lliey 
are sometimes called, by seamen, Compasant^ the word being a cor- 
ruption of cuerpo santo^ the name given to this electric phenomenon 
by the Spanish mariners of old, who imagined that the lights were 
sure indications of the presence of their guardian saint and patron, 
St. Elmo. They arc also called St. Elmo Lights. Flinj mentions them 
as being noticed by the Romans, playing about their vessels, a 
circumstance to which Seneca also makes allusion. Clavijo, in the 
year 1403, during his voyage from Cadiz to Constantinople, relates the 
following appearance of these lights : — '•^ During the tempest, the captain 
caused the litanies to be sung, and everyone sought mercy from Grod. 
The prayers being concluded, and the tempest still raging, a bright light 
appeared on the mast head of the carrack, and another light was seen on 
the bowsprit, which is that part of the ship ahead of the forecastle, and 
another on the yard arm, which is over the poop ; and all who were on 
board the carrack saw these lights, for they were called up to see them, 
and remained some time to see if they would disappear, but they did not 
cease to shine during the storm, and presently all those on board went 
to sleep, except the captain and certain mariners, whose duty it was to 


The twenty-fourth, the He De Diego Roiz,' standing in the d^tib's 
Latitude of nineteen degrees and fortie minutes to the ^**^^^'' 
South- ward^ and in the Longitude of ninetie-eight degrees The He de 

in 19 de- 
grees <10 
keep watch. The captain and two mariners, who were awake, heard minutes. 

the voices of men in the air, and the Captain asked the mariners if they 

heard that noise ; they replied that they did ; and all this time the tempest 

did not abate. Soon afterwards they again saw those lights, returned to 

the places where they had been before ; so they awoke the rest of the 

crew, who also saw the lights, and the Captain told them of the voices 

he had heard. These lights remained as long as it would take to say a 

mass, and presently the storm ceased.^' 

In the narrative of the second voyage of Columbus, written by his 
brother Ferdinand, this electrical display is thus alluded to :— *^ On the 
same Saturday, in the night,was seen St. Elmo, with seven lighted tapers, 
at the topmast. There was much rain and great thunder. I mean to say 
that those lights were seen which mariners affirm to be the body of St. 
Elmo, on beholding which they chanted many litanies and orisons, 
holding it for certain that in the tempest in which he appears no one 
is in danger.'* 

Figafetta also, in his account of Magellan's Voyage in 1519, says : — 
** During these storms the body of St. Anselme appeared to us several 
times ; amongst others, one night that it was very dark on account of 
the bad weather, the said saint appeared in the form of a fire Ughted 
at the summit of the mainmast, and remained there near two hours and 
a half, which comforted us greatly, for we were in tears, only expecting 
the hour of perishing ; and when that holy light was going away from 
us it gave out so great a brilliancy in the eyes of each that we were near 
a quarter-of-an-hour like people blinded, and calling out for mercy. 
For without any doubt nobody hoped to escape from that storm. It is 
to be noted, that all and as many times as that light which represents the 
said St. Anselme shows itself and descends upon a vessel which is in a 
storm at sea, that vessel never is lost. Immediately that this light had 
departed the sea grew calmer." 

St. Erasmus was Bishop of Naples. The Itab'ans called him St 
Eremo. The name got corrupted into Santermo, which the Spaniards 
converted into St. Elmo. He was especially the patron saint of those 
sailors who navigated along the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. He 
was one of the bishops of the early church who suffered martyrdom 
during the persecution of the Christians under Diocletian and Maxi- 

' Rodriguez Island is situated in lat., 19° 40' S., and long., 62«» 45' E. 


DATw'a and thirtie minutes, bare North off ua about five of the 


voTAOB. clocke, eight leagues off. Wee bare roome^ to have landed, 
but the wind grew so stiffe in the night that we altered 
our determination. About this Hand we saw great store of 
white Birds/ having in their tayles but two long feathers. 
These Birds and divers others accompanied us with such 
contrary winds and gusts that wee often split our sayles^ 
and^ boulting to and againe^ we rather went to the Lee-ward 
then gained anything^ the wind blew so stiffe at the East 
South East. 
Junes. The third day of June, standing our course for the He 

The He of De Cime. we descried the He De Dies^o Boiz a&raine, and 

Diego Roi£ .... e> ^ 

u a verie bare roomo with it, thinking to have stayed there to attend 

dangerous ' o j 

place. ^ good wind : but finding it to be a very dangerous place, 
wee durst not come to an anchor there for feare of the rockes 
and sholds that lye about it ; and upon better consideration 
wee altred our purpose and stood for East-India. 

Banho? ^** "^^^ fifteenth of June we had sight of Land, which was 
the lie Dos Banhos,^ in sixe degrees and thirtie-seven 
minutes to the South- ward, and in one hundred and nine 
degrees of Longitude. These Hands are falsely laid in most 

mian. In the earliest navigation book, the ^ ^ Arte de Navegar'^ by Martin 
Cortes, which was published at Seville in 1551, there is a corions 
chapter on the St. Elmo lights, entitled : *^ De la eralacion relumbrante 
que p-ece en las tempestades que los marineros llaman Santelmo,^' cap. 
XX. See Appendix, page 347. St. Anselme, mentioned by Pigafetta, 
is in all probability meant for St. Elmo. 

' See note 3, page 113. 

- The Common Tropic Bird (Phaeton asthereus). It is seldom these 
birds are met with many degrees beyond the tropics, and they are 
rarely, if ever, seen to settle on the water, usually returning at night to 
roost on trees or rocks. Their long tail feathers are much esteemed by 
the natives as ornaments of dress. 

> The northernmost Island of the Chagos Archipelago. This group, 
with Mauritius and other islands adjacent, came into the possession of 
England at the termination of the French war in 1814. They extend 
from lat. 7^ 39' S. to lat. 4« 44' S., and lie between 70^ 55' and 72^ 
50' East longitude. 


Charts, lyinff too much to the West.^ Here we sent our datw's 
Boats to see if they could find any good ground to anchor ^**^^^'- 
in. But searching both the South and West Shore they 
could find none. There are five of these Hands. They 
abound with Powle, Fish, and Coco Nuts. Our Boats went |^ 
on shore and brought great store of them aboord us, which <«»*^o'«- 
wee found to be excellent meate. Seeing wee could find 
no good anchoring, by reason that in some places close under 
the shore it was so deepe that wee could find no ground, 
and in other places were such sharpe rockes and sholds that 
wee durst not anchor j having but bad and contrarie winds, 
we left these Hands, and stood our course as neere as we 
could lye for India.^ 

The nineteenth of June we had sight of Land, which was 
the He of Diego Graciosa,^ standing in the Latitude of seven The ne of 
degrees thirtie minutes South- wards, and in Longitude one Gncioea. 
hundred and ten degrees fortie minutes by our accounts. 
This seemeth to be a very pleasant Hand, and of good re- 
freshing if there be any place to come to an anchor. 

Wee sought but little for anchoring there because the wind 
was bad, and the tide forced us to the shore, so that we durst 
not stay to search there any further. This Hand seemeth to 
bee some ten or twelve leagues long, abounding with Birds 
and Fish ; and all the Hand over seemeth to be a mightie 
Wood, of nothing else but Coco-trees. What else this 
Hand yeeldeth we know not. 

The eleventh of July wee passed againe the Equinoctiall ^^• 
Line, where wee were becalmed with extreame heate, Tii«J.i»«« 
lightning, and thunder. "^^^ 

' In all probability the charts of the time were correct, for the writer 
has given the positions of these places as more than 30^ too far to the 

« This is unintelligible, for the course from He Dos Banhoe to Diego 
Garcia, would be almost due South, and therefore in the opposite direction 
to India. 

* Diego Garcia is the southernmost Island of the Chagos Archipelago. 


dati8*b and thirtie minutes, bare North off us about five of the 


voTAAs. clocke, eight leagues off. Wee bare roome^ to have landed, 
but the wind grew so stiffe in the night that we altered 
our determination. About this Hand we saw great store of 
white Birds,^ having in their tayles but two long feathers. 
These Birds and divers others accompanied us with such 
contrary winds and gusts that wee often split our sayles, 
and^ boulting to and againe^ we rather went to the Lee-ward 
then gained anything^ the wind blew so stiffe at the East 
South East. 
Junes. The third day of June^ standing our course for the He 

The Be of Do Cimo. WO descriod the He De Dieefo Boiz amine, and 

Diego Bola .... e ^ 

u a verie bare Toomo with it, thinking to have stayed there to attend 

dangerous ' o J 

place. ^ good wind : but finding it to be a very dangerous place^ 
wee durst not come to an anchor there for feare of the rockes 
and sholds that lye about it ; and upon better consideration 
wee altred our purpose and stood for East-India. 

BanhwT ^** "^^^ fifteenth of June we had sight of Land^ which was 
the De Dos Banhos/ in sixe degrees and thirtie-seven 
minutes to the South-ward^ and in one hundred and nine 
degrees of Longitude. These Hands are falsely laid in most 

mian. In the earliest navigation book, the "Arte de Navegar", by Martin 
Cortes, which was published at Seville in 1551, there is a cnrioiu 
chapter on the St. Elmo lights, entitled : *^ De la eralacion relumbrante 
que p-ece en las tempestades que los marineros llaman Santelmo,^' cap, 
XX. See Appendix, page 347. St. Anselme, mentioned by Pigafetta, 
is in all probability meant for St. Elmo. 

' See note 3, page 113. 

- The Common Tropic Bird (Phaeton sethereus). It is seldom these 
birds are met with many degrees beyond the tropics, and they are 
rarely, if ever, seen to settle on the water, usually returning at night to 
roost on trees or rocks. Their long tail feathers are much esteemed by 
the natives as ornaments of dress. 

> The northernmost Island of the Chagos Archipelago. This group, 
with Mauritius and other islands adjacent, came into the possession of 
England at the termination of the French war in 1814. They extend 
from lat. 7^ 39' S. to lat. 4« 44' S., and lie between 70^ 55' and 72« 
50' East longitude. 


Charts, lyinff too much to the West.^ Here we sent our datisb 

' J ^ LAST 

Boats to see if they could find any good ground to anchor '^o'^*®"- 
in. But searching both the South and West Shore they 
could find none. There are five of these Hands. They 
abound with Fowle, Fish, and Coco Nuts. Our Boats went Jheir 

' ' iSoats goo 

on shore and brought great store of them aboord us, which o^^^^^re. 
wee found to be excellent meate. Seeing wee could find 
no good anchoring, by reason that in some places close under 
the shore it was so deepe that wee could find no ground, 
and in other places were such sharpe rockes and sholds that 
wee durst not anchor ^ having but bad and contrarie winds, 
we lefb these Hands, and stood our course as neere as we 
could lye for India.^ 

The nineteenth of June we had sight of Land, which was 
the He of Diego Graciosa,^ standing in the Latitude of seven The n© of 
degrees thirtie minutes South-wards, and in Longitude one Gracioea. 
hundred and ten degrees fortie minutes by our accounts. 
This seemeth to be a very pleasant Hand, and of good re- 
freshing if there be any place to come to an anchor. 

Wee sought but little for anchoring there because the wind 
was bad, and the tide forced us to the shore, so that we durst 
not stay to search there any further. This Hand seemeth to 
bee some ten or twelve leagues long, abounding with Birds 
and Fishj and all the Hand over seemeth to be a mightie 
Wood, of nothing else but Coco-trees. What else this 
Hand yeeldeth we know not. 

The eleventh of July wee passed againe the Bquinoctiall ^^^y- 
Line, where wee were becalmed with extreame heate. They pa«se 

' ^ ' theEoui- 

lightning, and thunder. llm 

' In all probability the charts of the time were correct, for the writer 
haa giycn the positions of these places as more than 30^ too far to the 

« This is unintelligible, for the course from He Dos Banhoe to Diego 
Garcia, would be almost due South, and therefore in the opposite direction 
to India. 

* Diego Garcia is the southernmost Island of the Chagos Archipelago. 




Tioo, a 
Towne in 

Their ship 
oometh on 
the ground. 

They meet 
with their 
which they 
had lost so 
long before. 

The ninth of August our Generall manned the Shalop, 
and sent us along the Coast^ to see if we could find any 
Readers, and espying a Sayle, we gave her chase, which, 
when shee perceived shee could not goe from us, shoe came 
to an anchor, and forsooke their Barke, and rowed all on 
shore to an Hand in a small Boat, where wee could not come 
at them. Wee laid there Barke aboord, not finding any 
one man in it; the chiefe lading was Cocos Oyle, Nuts, 
and fine mats. But seeing it was such meane stufie, and 
knowing that if we should have taken it, our General 
would not have liked of it, wee left her, not taking any 
thing from her worth the speaking of. 

The tenth and eleventh dayes we stood close along the 
maine land, whereas we espied eight Prawes,^ riding over 
against a place called Tico. Which whe we first espied, we 
were in good hope that we might find our Pinnasse among 
them. When we came up with them she was not there ; 
but they put us in comfort, telling us there was an English 
Ship at Priam an, which was not past sixe leagues from this 
Towne of Tico. Then, standing out to Sea we saw our 
Admiral, and in short time got aboord, telling our Generall 
the newes. Wee had not sayled a league further, but our 
Ship came on ground upon a Rocke of white Corrall ; but, 
God be thanked, having a great gale, in very short time 
we got her off again e, without any hurt at all : And coming 
neere unto the Road of Priaman, we descried our Pinnasse 
to be there, which wee had lost so long before in the great 
storme, in doubling the Cape of Bona Esperanfa. The 
Captaine and Master of the Pinnasse met us halfe a league 
from the Road in their Skiffe, and at our comming aboord 
of us, our Generall did welcome them with a peale of great 

^ Prahu is the Malay word for a boat. The larger Malay war vessels 
were over 160 feet in length and would carry 100 rowers, besides about 
60 fighting men, and from 6 to 10 brass guns. The Prahus were 
remarkable for their swiftness. 


Ordnance. And after many discoarses passed of wliat had ^^J^** 

happened in the time of each others absence^ wee came to ^*>^^**- 

an anchor in five fathoms water^ very good gronnd, in the Priaman in 
Road of Priaman. which standeth in fortie minutes of minutes of 


Southerly Latitude. Latitude. 

The fourteenth, our General sent mee on shore with a 
Present to the Governor and to others, to see what price 
Pepper was at, and to buy fresh victualls, and to know 
whether our men might come safely on shore. But when 
we came on shore, the Governor durst not speake with us 
privately, by reason of certaine warres that were among 
them : by which meanes they were growne jealous one of 

These warres grew upon this occasion. 

The King of Achen having two sonnes, hee kept the eldest 
at home with him, to succeed him after his death, and the 
youngest he made King of Pedir :^ whereupon the eldest 
Sonne tooke his father prisoner, affirming that he was too 
old to govern any longer, and afterward made warre upon 
his younger brother.^ 

Thus, seeing little good to be done in this place, having 
refreshed our selves with fresh victualls, we resolved to depart 
from thence. 

The one and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood for 
Bantam,^ on which day we tooke two Prawes, having nothing 
in them but a little Rice. The one of these Prawes hurt 
two of our men very sore after they had entred her. For 
our men thought, because they saw some leap over-boord, 
they had all leaped over-boord ; but they were deceived. For 
the first two men that entred were sore hurt by two which 

^ A town on the north coast of Sumatra. 

' See, in Davis^s previous voyage, page 148, his account of the manner 
in which the King of Achin had taken possession of the throne. There 
is a great discrepancy between the two accounts. 

' A town situated at the N.W. extreme of the Island of Java. 

J 72 




lay close hidden behind their Sayle ; who as soone as they 
had wounded them most desperately leaped over-boord, 
swimming away like water Spaniells. So taking such 
things as best fitted us, wee left their Prawes^ doing them 
no further harme. 

The three and twentieth, wee tooke a Fisher-boat, having 
nothing of value in him, letting him goo without any hurt, 
saving onely one of them was shot through the thigh at the 
first meeting, when they resisted us. 

The five and twentieth, wee descried a Sayle, and sent 
our Shalop, Long-boat, and Skiffe to see what she was ; for 
our Ship and Pinnasse could not fetch her up, because they 
were becalmed. These boats comming up with her, bid 
him strike sayle, but shee would not. So wee fell in fight 
with her, from three of the clocke in the afternoone till ten 
of the clocke at night, by which time our Pinnasse had gotten 
up to us : then shee strooke her sayles and yeelded. So 
wee made her fast to our Pinnasse, and towed her along 
with us all night. In the morning our Generall sent for 
them to see what they were ; and sent three of us to see 
what she was laden withall. When hee had talked with 
them, they told him they were of Bantam; wherefore 
knowing not what injurie he might doe to the English 
Merchants that had a Factorie in Bantam at that present ; 
and understanding by us that their loading was Salt, Bice 
and China dishes,^ hee sent them aboord their owne Barke 
againe, not suffering the worth of a penny to bee taken from 

They standing toward Priaman, and we toward Bantam, 

left each other. This Barke was of the burthen of some 

fortie Tuns. 

They take a The second of September we met with a small ship of 

•»^- Guzarate, or Cambaya, being about eightie Tuns; which 

Ship wee tooke and carried into the Eoad of Sillibar,* 

' See note 3, p. 80. " On the west coast of Sumatra. 

A ship of 
taken and 
freely dia* 


standing in foure degrees of Southerly Latitude ; into which ^^J^^' 
Road many Prawes continually come to refresh themselves. ^"^^**'^ 

For here you may have Wood, Water, Rice, Buffles-flosh,' BtuuMtrin 
Goates, Hens, Plants, and Fresh fish, but all very dooro. groan of 

The eight and twentieth day, having despatched all our L^tmio. 
businesse, wee weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam. 

The three and twentieth of October, wee came to an octoiw. 
anchor in the Road of Marrah,* being in the straight ofjjjj^***^ 
Sunda ; heere we tooke in Fresh-water. In this place are 
great store of Buffles, Goates, Hens, Duckes, and many 
other good things for refreshing of men. They esteeme not so 
much of money as of Calicut clothes. Pintados,' and such 
like stufifes. The people being well used, will use you well ; 
but you must looke to them for stealing ; for they thinke 
any thing well gotten that they can steale from a stranger. 

The eight and twentieth we weighed anchor, and stood JlJjIhtV"*"* 
for Bantam, which standeth in sixe degrees and fortie minutes i*»ntain. 
of Southerly Latitude. This day we came within throe 
leagues of the Towne, where wee came to an anchor all 
night. Here wee thought to have scene the English Fleet, 
but it was gone for England three weekes before we came. 
Neverthelesse, those that remained in the Countrie, as 
Factors of our Nation, came aboord us, being very glad to 
see any of their Country-men in so forraino a place, and 
withall told our Generall that the company of tjie Hollanders 
Ships that were in the Road had used very slanderous reports 
of us to the King of Bantam : The eflfect whereof was, That 
wee were theeves and disordinate livers, and such as did 

^ Buffalo flesh. 

* Polo ^larra, a small inbabit«rl uland off tlic went coaift of Sumatra, 
situated in 1*^ 13' S. lat. Fair anchorage and g'xyl waUrr can \hs (AAaiumI 

* Pintados were ookmred, or prints:'], ithiuif^m rnanufacture^l in India, 
They were formerly in great ^kuiau'l an^l we're among tb« tutM iraJuat»le 
goods of a aidp'i cargo. 


Datis's come for nothing: but to deceive them, or use such violence 

LAST "^ 

voTAOB. ag tjojQ would give us leave to execute ; and that we durst 
not come into the Road among them, but kept two or three 
leagues from thence for feare of them. After our Generall 
had heard this report, it so mooved him that hee weighed 
anchor, sending the Hollanders word that hee would come 
and ride close by their sides, and bad the prowdest of them 
all that durst to put out a Piece of Ordnance upon him ; and 
withall sent them word if they did goe about either to brave 
or to disgrace him or his Country-men hee would either sinke 
them, or sinke by their sides. There were of these Hol- 
landers five Ships, the one of them of seven or eight hundred 
Tuns, the rest of a farre smaller burthen. But of this message 
(notwithstanding we came and anchored close by them) we 
never had answer. 

But whereas the Hollanders were wont to swagger and 

keepe great sturre on shore all the time before our being 

there, they were so quiet that wee could scarcely see one 

of them on Land. 

^N***^^ The second of November, having seene our Countrey-men, 

depwt* from ^®® tooke our leave, and stood our course for Patane. And 

Bantam. ^^ ^^^ vfBLy, as wec sayled betweene the Chersonesus of 

Pedra Malacca and Pedra Branca,^ wee met with three Prawes, 

Branca. ' ' 

Three which, being afraid of us, anchored so neere unto the shore 
that we could not come neere them, either with our Ship or 
Pinnasse. Wherefore our Generall manned his Shalop with 
eighteene men and sent us to them, to request them that 
for his money he might have a Pilot to carrie his Ship to 
Pulo Timaon,^ which is about some five dayes sayling from 
the place where wee met with them. But they seeing our 
Ship and Pinnasse at anchor about a mile from them, and 
that they were not able to come any neerer them, told us 
plainely that none of them would goe with us, and, being 

^ Pulo Banca. The large island of Banca. 

^ An Island off the east coast of the Malay peninsula. 


at anchor^ weighed and weie going awar : Seeing tliat, wo ^^l* 
began a fight with them all three : one of thein wo tooko ^**^^* *'* 
in lesse than halfe an hoar^ whose men, which were seventie* 
three in all, gate oat of her and ranne on shore. The other 
foQght with us all night, and in the morning, about thoJ^i*«*w«« 
breake of day, shee jeelded unto us. Our Generall caroo to 
us in his skiffe a little before shee yeelded. 

They were laden with Benairaan,^ Storax,* Pepper, China 
Dishes, and Pitch.* The third Praw got from us while woo 
were fighting with the other. Our Generall would not suffer 
us to take anything from them, but only two of their mon to 
Pilote us to Pulo Timaon, because they were of Java. Those 
people of Java are very resolute in a desperate case. Thoir 
chiefe Weapons are Javelin gs. Darts, Daggers, and a kind of 
poysoned Arrowes, which they shoote in Trunkes. They have ][%*^5J** 
some Harcubushes,* but they are nothing expert in using iviJii,. 
them. They also have Targets. The most part of them bo 
Mahumetans. They had beene at Palimbam,^ and wore PaiimbMB. 
going backe againe to Greece,® a Port Towno on the North- y>^«. » 
East part of Java, where they dwelled. ''*^*' 

The twelfth of November we dismissed them, standing 
our course toward Patane. 

1 Benzoin or Benjamin is the balsam obtainod from a trco cultivatiHl 
in Sumatra and Borneo, the Sty rax Benzoin. 

* The produce of a tree, Styrax officinale^ (px)wing in the iK>uth of 
Europe, and in the Levant. It belongs to the natural order Styrac4;tf). 
Storax has a fragrant odour and a pleasant aromatic taste. 

* Pitch was an oily bituminous substance drawn from fir tn*4?ii. 
Manufactured pitch is tar and resin }>oile<l into a fluid, yet highly 
tenacums, consisteDcy. The former must have Usen the piti;h h<;ro 
alluded to as being a portion of the prahu's cargo. 

^ Arquebus, sometimes calle'i llagbut, was a liaiid gtjri wmtuwhui 
larger than a musket. It carri<^ a ball of aU/ut 3^ ouufuu w«;i((ht, ari'l 
was more generally used in loop holes <A iorirtimfm where th<; ifUam iumUi 
have a rest. 

' PalembaDg, a town situaUsrI on a riv<;r in ilm sr/uth-^riutU^rii jwurt '/f 
Sumatra, 00 miks frovj the in^. 

' Gresie, in H 


D^Ti8*i The sixe and twentieth of November we saw certain Hands 


voTAGi. bearing off us North-west, which neither we nor our new 

Certain Pilots know. But having a very contrary wind to stand our 
course for Patane, we thought it very necessary to search 
those Hands for wood and water, hoping by that time wo 
had watered to have a better wind. 

The seven and twentieth we came to an Anchor within a 
mile of the shore, in sixteene fathomes good ground, on the 
South-side of these Hands. Heere, sending our Boat on 
shore, wee found some of them to bee Sunken Hands, nothing 
above the water but the Trees, or Rootes of them. In one 
of them wee found a reasonable good watering place, and 
all the Hands a Wildernesse of Woods. It is a very uncom- 
fortable place, having neither Fruites, Fowle, nor any kind 

The broken of Beast whercwithall to refresh men. These Hands we 

Lands neere /» i i i n 

BSntom?' ^^^^^ *o ^^^ some of the broken Lands lying South-east 
from the He of Bintam.^ 

December. The second of December, having taken in wood and water, 
we weighed Anchor, standing our course for Patane, as 
neere as a bad wind would give us leave. For wee found 
the wind in these monethes to be very contrarie, keeping 
still at North, North-west, or North-east. 

Pnio Laor. The twelfth day, neere unto Pulo Laor*, wee descryed three 
sayles, and sending our Pinnasse and Shalop after one of 
them, being the neerest unto us, we stayed with our ship, 
thinking to have met with the other two : but in the night 
they stood away another course, so that we saw them no 
more. In the morning we descryed our Pinnasse and Shalop 
about foure leagues to Leeward, with the other ship which 
they had taken. The wind and current being against them 
they were not able to come up to us : we seeing that went 

I^p***token. *o them. When wee came wee found her to be a Juncke 

Pan-Hange. of Pau-Hange, being in burden above an hundred Tunnes, 

^ One of a group of IslandB east and south of Singapore. 
' A small Island off the coast of the Malay peninsula. 


laden with Rice, Pepper, and Tinne, going to Bantam, in ^^^ ' 
Java. Our Generall not esteeming any such meane luggage, ^**^^***- 
tooke as much Rice as served for his provision, and two 
little brasse Gunnes, and payed them royally for all, not 
taking anything else from them, save only one man to be 
our Pilot to Patane,^ who was willing to come along with us 
when he saw our Generall use them so well. The other two 
Pilots which wee tooke before out of one of the three Prawes 
were unskilfull men. Wherefore, our Generall rewarding 
them for the time that they had beene with him, sent them 
backe againe into their owne Countrey by the Juncke which 
wee tooke that was going to Java. 

The thirteenth day we left her, standing our course for ^^^j^ 
Pulo Timaon,^ joyning on the King of Pan-Hange,* his Conn- pJ^T-SSSS*! 
trey. Here we were troubled very much with contrarie 
winds and currents. For the Sea runneth alwayes from the 
beginning of November to the beginning of Aprill to the 
South-ward, and from Aprill to November backe againe to 
the North-ward. The wind also in the aforesaid first five 
monethes is most commonly Northerly, and in the other !J?»« 
seven moneths Southerly. All the ships of China, Patane, ^^eaeparte. 

Jor,* Pan-Hange, and other places which are to the North- 
ward, come to Bantam or Palimbam^ when the Northerly 

> Patani is the most northern Malay State on the east side of the 
peninsula, opposite to Quedah on the west side. 

' Pulo Timoan, or Tioman, is the largest of a chain of islets on the 
east coast of the Malay peninsula, with hills 3,400 feet high. Lat. 2° 
44' to 2" 52^ N. 

s Pan-Hange, as appears further on, is intended for the Malay State 
of Fahang on the eastern side of the peninsula. The correct form is 
Faang. The Portuguese have Pam. It is bounded on the south by 
Johore, and by Tringano on the north. It extends eighty miles along 
the coast, and the country is mountainous, with peaks over 3000 feet 
high. The whole coast is very beautiful and picturesque. See Thom- 
son's Journal of the Indian Archipelago, v, p. 147. 

* Johore. * Falembang. 






In three 
weokH bee 
could not 
get one 
league a 


Monsoiii^ is come : and retume backe againe when the 
Southerly Monsoin commeth: which Monsoins come in the 
mouethes before mentioned. This being observed, you shall 
have both wind and tyde with you. Here, as I said before, 
I found such contrary violent winds and currents that I 
could not in three weekes get a league ahead. This Coun- 
trey of Pan- Han ge is a very plentifuU Countrey, and full of 
Gentry, after the fashion of those Countries, store of ship- 
ping, and victuals very cheape. This Countrey lyeth be- 
tweene Jor and Patane, and reacheth on the Sea-Coast to 
Cape Tingeron,^ beeing a very high Cape, and the first Land- 
fall that the Caracks of Macao, or Juncks of China, or 
Camboia Prawes doe make as they come for Malacca, Java, 
Sumatra, Jumbe, Jor, Palimbam, Grece,^ or any other parts 
to the South- ward. 

Here, as I stood for Patane about the twentie seven of 
December, I met with a Juncke of the Japons which had 
been pyrating along the coast of China and Camboia. Their 
Pilote being dead, with ignorance and foule weather they 
had cast away their ship on the sholds of the great Hand 
Borneo; and to enter into the Countrey of Borneo, they durst 
not : for the Japons are not suffered to land in any Port in 
India with weapons : being accounted a people so desperate 

* Monsoon, from the Persian word Monmm^ a season. They are 
periodical winds, blowing with great regularity in certain latitudes, and 
are caused by the unequal heating of land and water ; they occur in the 
tropics where the '* trade wind" would constantly blow if it were not 
for the presence of land. They blow for 5 or 6 months from one 
direction, and then (after the tempestuous tumult of their shifting has 
subsided) alter their course and blow from an opposite point of the 
compass, during an equal space of time, with the same uniformity. 
They blow more steadily in the East Indian Seas than in any other 
part ; also in the China Sea, but with somewhat less regularity in the 
Northern part of it. 

• Tingeran or Tingoram river and promontory, in lat. 4* 50' N., on 
the east side of the Malay peninsula, in the country of Tringano. 

' Oressie, a district of the province of Surabaya in Java. 



and daring that they are feared in all places where they ^^J^'* 
come. ^^^'^"• 

These people, their ship being splitted, with their Shalops 
entred this Juncke wherein I met them, which was of 
Patane, and killed all the people save one old Pilot. 
This Juncke was laden with Bice, which, when they had 
possessed and furnished with such furniture, necessaries, 
and armes as they saved out of their sunken shippe, they 
shaped their course for Japon ; but the badnesse of their 
Juncke, contrarie winds, and unseasonablenesse of the yeare 
forced them to Leeward: which was the cause of mine 
unluckie meeting them. 

After I had haled them, and made them come to 
Lee-ward, sending my Boat aboord them, I found them 
by their men and furniture very unproportionable for 
such a ship as they were in; which was a Juncke not 
above seventie tunnes in burthen, and they were ninetie 
men, and most of them in too gallant a habit for Saylers, 
and such an equalitie of behaviour among them that they 
seemed all fellowes : yet one among them there was that 
they called Capitaine, but gave him little respect. I caused 
them to come to an Anchor, and upon further examination 
I found their lading to be only Bice ; and for the most part 
spilt^ with wet, for their ship was leake both under and above 
water. Upon questioning with them I understood them to be 
men of Warre that had pillaged on the Coast of China and 
Camboia, and, as I said before, had cast away their ship on 
the sholds of Borneo. 

Here wee rode at Anchor under a small Hand, neere 
to the He of Bintam,^ two dayes, entertayning them with 

» SpoUt? 

* Bintang, east of Singapore. It is the largest of a cluster of islands 
between the Malay peninsula and Sumatra, at the eastern extreme of 
the Malacca Strait. A mountain chain runs through it with peaks 
1400 feet high. The settlement of Rhio is on the island of Bintang. 



^lIht * gooJ usage, not taking anything from them : thinking 
VoYAoi. ^^ have gathered by their knowledge the place and pass- 
age of certaine ships on the Coast of China to have 
made my Voyage. But these Rogues being desperate in 
winds and fortunes^ being hopelesse in that paltrie Juncke 
ever to retume to their Countrey, resolved with themselves 
either to gaine my shippe or to lose their lives. 

And upon mutuall courtesies, with gifts and feastings be- 
tweene us, sometimes five and twentie or sixe and twentie of 
their chiefest came aboord : whereof I would not suffer above 
sixe to have weapons. There was never the like number of 
our men aboord their Juncke. 

I willed Captaine John Davis in the morning to pos- 
sesse himselfo of their weapons, and to put the Com- 
panie before Mast, and to leave some Guard on their 
weapons while they searched in the Rice, doubting that 
by searching and finding that which would dislike them 
they might suddenly set upon my men and put them to the 
Sword : as the sequell prooved. 

Captaine Davis, being beguiled with their humble sem- 
blance, would not possesse himselfe of their weapons, 
though I sent twice of purpose from my shippe to will 
him to doe it. They passed all the day, my men search- 
ing in the Rice and they looking on. At the Sunne- 
setting, after long search and nothing found, save a Uttle 
Storax and Benjamin,^ they, seeing oportunitie, and talk- 
ing to the rest of their Companie which were in my ship, 
being neere to their Juncke, they resolved, at a watch- 
word betweene them, to set upon us resolutely in both 
ships. This being concluded they suddenly killed and drave 
over-boord all my men that were in their ship ; and those 
which were aboord my ship sallied out of my Cabbin, where 
thoy were put, with such weapons as they had, finding 
certaine Targets in my Cabbin, and other things that they 

^ See uotes 1 and 2, page 174. 



used as weapons. My selfe being aloft on the Decke, know- ^^I" * 
ing what was likely to follow, leapt into the waste, where, ^<>^'*^®*- 
with the Boate Swaines, Carpenter, and some few more wee 
kept them under the halfe-decke. 

At their first comming forth of the Cabbin, they met 
Captaine Davis comming out of the Gun-roome, whom joS^iSvia 
they pulled into the Cabbin, and giving him sixe or seven *^*^®' 
mortall wounds they thrust him out of the Cabbin be- 
fore them. His wounds were so mortall that he dyed 
as soone, as he came into the waste. They pressed so 
fiercely to come to us, as we receiving them on our Pikes, 
they would gather on our Pikes with their hands to reach 
us with their Swords. It was neere halfe an houre before P»«* or 

foure of the 

we could stone them backe into the Cabbin : In which time i^era*^ 
we had killed three or foure of their Leaders. ^Diiod. 

After they were driven into the Cabbin they fought 
with us at the least foure houres before we could sup- 
presse them, often fyring the Cabbin, burning the bed- 
ding, and much other stuffe that was there. And had 
we not with two Demy-culverings,^ from under the halfe 
decke, beaten downe the bulke head and the pumpe of 
the ship we could not have suppressed them from burn- 
ing the ship. This Ordnance being charged with Crosse- 
barres. Bullets, and Case-shot, and bent close to the 
bulke head, so violently marred therewith boords and 
splinters that it left but one of them standing of two and ^^ »?d 
twentie. Their legs, armes, and bodies were so tome as it gj^^^^^^h 
was strange to see how the shot had massacred them. hfgshot*^" 

In all this conflict they never would desire their lives, 
though they were hopelesse to escape : such was the des- 
peratenesse of these Japonians. Only one lept over-boord, 

' Demi-Culyerin was the name given to a gun whose length was from 
12 to 14 feet, diameter of boro 6J inches, and weight of shot, 33 Iba. 
lliis piece had a point blank range of 160 paces, but would throw a 
ball to a distance of about 2,000 paces. 


datu'i which afterward swamme to our ship againe and asked for 
YoTAOB. grace . yfQQ tooke him in, and asked him what was their 
purpose ? 

He told us that they meant to take our shippe and to cut 
all our throe tes. He would say no more, but desired that 
he might be cut in pieces. 

The next day, to wit, the eight and twentieth of Decem- 
ber, we went to a little Hand to the Leeward off us. And 
when we were about five miles from the Land, the Generall 
commanded his people to hang this Japonian ; but he brake 
the Rope, and fell into the Sea. I cannot tell whether he 
swamme to the land or not. 

We tooke our course right to the little fore-said Hand, 
and came there to an Anchor the thirtieth of December. 
We remained there three dayes to mend our Boat, and to 
take in wood and water. 

In this Hand wo found a ship of Patane, out of which we 
tooke the Captaine, and asked him whether the ships of 
China were come to Patane, or no ? He told us that they 
were not yet come, but that they would come thither 
within few dayes. We made the Captaine of that ship to 
be our Pilot, because he knew very well to what place the 
Chinish ships would come. 

The tenth of January we purposed to stay there, till it 
pleased God that we should meete the Chinish ships. 

The twelfth of Jauuarie, one of our Mates cUmbed up to 
the top of the Mast, and descryed two ships which came 
toward us : but because of the wind they were forced to 
goe to the Leeward of the Hand. Assoone as we had 
sight of them wee weighed Anchor, and made toward them. 
And we fetched up the greatest of them the twelfth of 
Januarie in the night. We fought a little with them, and 
boorded them, and brought them to an Anchor. 

The next day, to wit, the thirtieth of Januarie we 
unladed some of their goods, to wit, raw Silke and other 


Silkes. They had fiftie Tannes of Silver of their Countrey, ^tln* 
but we tooke little or none of it, because we had good hope ^®^^°"- 
that we should meete with the other Chinish ships. After 
we had taken some of their Silkes we let them depart the 
fifteenth of January, and gave them twice as much as wee 
had taken from them. And casting them oflF wee tooke our 
course backe againe to China Bata ; but we could not fetch ^^fjj^nx 
it up, because we had contrarie wind ; so that we were Bintam. • 
forced to put Lee- ward unto two small Hands, which they TvroBmaii 

'^ Hands 

of Java call Pulo Sumatra, where we came to an Anchor the called Puio 


two and twentieth of Januarie. 

The foure and twentieth day, as we rode at Anchor, there 
arose a great storme of wind, with which our Cable brake, 
BO that we were forced to put into the neerest Creeke. 

The second of February, five Holland ships met with us February, 
sayling homeward, which put into the same Roade where 
wee were. Captain Warwicke was General 1 of these ships. 
Hee sent to our Generall to dine with him. Our Generall 
went to him. He told us that our English Merchants in 
Bantam were in great perill, and that still they looked for 
nothing else then that the King of Java would assault them, 
because we had taken the China ship, whereby the King of 
Bantam had lost his custome. Wherefore Captaine War- 
wicke requested our Generall that hee would cease to goe 
any further, and would sayle home unto England with him. 

Our Generall answered. That hee had not as yet made his 
Voyage, and that therefore hee would not returne, untill it 
should please God to send him somewhat to make up the 
Game. The Hollanders perceiving that they could not per- 
suade our General to give over his purpose, departed from Jf^SirZ 
us the third of Februarie. 

Our Generall considering, that if he should proceed on his 
Voyage, it would be very dangerous for the English Mer- 
chants which were resident in those parts, and seeing that 
hee had but two Anchors and two Cables to helpe himselfe 






They re- 
tome home. 


Ban eta 


arrived in 
Haven in 

They came 
to Porta* 

withall, thought good to repairo his ships, and to retume 
home with that poor Voyage that he had made. 

When our ships were readie, and that we had taken in 
wood and water, wee hoysed up our sayles the fift of Feb- 
ruary to returne for England. 

The seventh of Aprill we had sight of the Cape of Bona 
Esperanza, after wee had passed a great storme. 

The seventeenth of Aprill we came to the He of Sancta 
Helena, where we watered, and found refreshment, as Wine 
and Goates, which we our selves killed. 

In the said Hand are many wilde Swine and Goates. 
There are also great store of Partridges, Turkie Cockes and 
Ginnie Henues. This Hand is not inhabited.^ Wee departed 
from thence the third of May. 

The fourteenth wo passed under the Equinoctiall Line. 

The seven and twentieth of June, we arrived in Milford 
Haven in Wales. 

The ninth of July we came to an Anchor in Portsmouth 
Roade, where all our Companie were dismissed. And heere 
wee ended our Voyage, having beene out upon the same full 
nineteene moneths, in the yeare 1606. 

> ITie island of St. Helena was first discovered by the Portuguese in 
the year 1502. It was subsequently taken possession of by the Dutch, 
who, however, abandoned it for the Cape of Good Hope in 1651. It 
was then occupied by the English East India Company, whose ships 
invariably called there, for water and fresh provisions, on their voyages 
to India. 

Mr. John Daves his observations Voyaging from 

Acheane to Tecoe and Priaman.^ 

If you were at Acheane and would saile for Priaman,' 
which is a Town upon ye west Sid of Sumatra, and hath in 
Latitude no degres fifty minutes South and Longitude from 
ye Cape of Good Hope seventy sevon degrees fourty minutes 
East, ye veryation foure degrees forty minutes from North 
to West, ye surest way is this. — To ye Eastward of Priam an, 
there are Hands in ye South Latitude of one degre and 
thirty minutes which are called ye Hands of Nimcam ; your 
course is to goe with these Hands and come not betwene ye 
maine, but keepe ye Sea, till you see those Hands : keepe 
in one degree twenty minutes of South latitude, and you 
shall shurly fall with ye north end of ye Biggest. Now this 
great Hand being ye biggest of ye two, is twenty leagues 
long very neere, and there are many little Hands neere it, 
and when you are with this Hand goe up by it, for its ye 
bolder of the two, but have your lead going now and then 
to prevent danger, yet I have found ye least to bee ten 
fathoms watt'r: when you are shutt within these Hands 
your course is East and by North eighteen leagues, but 
sayle not by Night, but hull reathor,^ and saile by day. 
Now although Priaman and this Island doe lie East and by 
North, and West and by South, yet your best way is to 
direct your course East North East, and North East and by 
East a long; and then you shall see three hummocks on ye 

^ These obeeryations are extracted from the Sloane MS., 3GG8, foL 
« Priaman is in lat. 0^ 40' S., and 100«» 15' East longitude. 
' See note 1, page 28. 


maine before you can see ye low land^ and then having 
sight of them you may goe in till you see ye low land of ye 
maine : but looke well about you, for when these hilles 
come to ye North East from you, there is shold watt*r and 
bankes of stone, but you may borrow of them with your 
lead in Seven fathoms, then are you Six leagues from ye 
Port of Priaman, and your course East South East, or South 
East and by East with your lead going now and then, for 
ye knowing of ye Road of Priaman; when you have ye 
hilles North and west from you, you shall see many Hands 
to ye Southward ; by ye furst will show white, and none of 
the rest, soe y't ye Hands lieth West South West from ye 
Bead three leagues, and ye land in ye Country about Pria- 
man is high and like a saddle in ye middest, this high land 
bareth from ye Road North East and by East. I set it 
downe with this notice because there are fore Hands 
before ye Road with in which you ride, and may mistrust 
to goe with in these Hands when you come from ye West 
North West, because they will not be open, but show like 
a pare of breeches till you have brought them East North 
East from you, then will they beginne to open, for there is 
good Going in betweene them, leaving two on ye one side 
and two on ye other, but come not nere y't little uttermost 
Isle by ye maine for there is all flat ground, but keepe in 
nine or eight fathoms, till you come with ye other three 
Hands that lie in a row, and under y't Island is ye Road, 
wherefore be bold of itt in five or six fathomes, because its 
but narrow between that Isle and ye River running from ye 
Towne, to witt, much upon ye breadth of ye Theames att 
Black wall. Upon this Island under which you ride is a 
well made artifistially by those y't have used to watt'r 
there ; it is a good Road when you are in, but more^ your 
Ship sure ; ye people here are covetous and still begging 
for on thing or other, yett they used us very well, and 

* Moor. 


brought ns henes and such victualles as ye place afforded. 
Here is good trade from Java with Junkes^ for their 
Pepper they bring them Salt, which is very scant upon this 
sid of ye Hand, and about Septemb. and Octob. there 
Cometh every yeare a Guserat with Cotton cloth to serve 
this sid of the Hand, and ladeth away pepper and carieth 
away some Gould, for Gould is more plenty there then 
Silver, as wee might planly see by ye Cuntry peple, for they 
are very desirus of Rials^ of ^> here is some Benjamin to 
be had and very good Storax, with other Commodities. 

Tecou is seven leagues from this Boade but is should 
watt'r and ill for Shipps, because they must ride fare of, 
but Prowes and such small Vesseles as ye Countrey peple use 
are fittest^ and will bring all their Comodities unto you into 
Priaman road, after they know a ship to bee there ten 

To ye Northward of Priaman theire are now Hands 
three or foure leagues of, but to ye Southward ye coast is 
full of Hands along till you com in two degrees and halfe 
of latitude, ye cost lieth from Priaman to tow degrees 
twenty minuts of Latitude South, your course is South 
when you sett saile from Priaman you may goe with in these 
Hands by ye Road, because by ye South Island Lieth a 
shoald close by ye aforesaid, your depth is five or six 
fathomes in going downe to ye Southward keepe ye maine 
still and goe not with out among those Hands, for its ill 
ground and shoalds, but saile not by Night till you come 
into ye latitude of two degrees thirtie minutes, for as you 
passe by ye high land y't is distant from ye Road of Pria- 
man thirteene leagues its very dangerous keepe your selfe 
in twenty or thirty fathoms watt'r of ye maine, and looke 
well about you when this high land cometh toward ye 
East, bet wen y't gut of high land as you passe like 

^ A Real was a silver Spaoish coin, whose value was the eighth part 
of a dollar. 


Dartmouth is ye Towne Custodia^ I have had by going neere 
those Hands here about thirteen leagues from ye aforesaid 
road^ but foure fathoms watt'r and have seene ye stones 
under ye Ship and have gone but little in again toward ye 
maine^ and have had sixtene fathoms and twenty fathoms 
watt'r : wherefore there is no feare by ye maine land keeping 
your lead goings then being cleare of those Hands your 
course is South and by East by ye maine, till you come to 
tow degrees thirty minutes, and then ye land lieth to three 
degrees tenne minutes South East, and then South East 
and by South to foure degrees, and soe to five degrees no 
minutes by ye same course. 

If you are bound for ye Port of Priam an and coming from 
ye Southward, you shall see many small Islands, butt by 
my advice come nott between non of them for there is many 
breakers, till you shall come up w^th an Island att first 
will shew itt selfe Like a boate wind Saile, and as you neer 
itt you will find y't itt is onely one or two Trees y^t is higher 
y'n all ye rest on ye Island, w'ch Island Leaving on ye 
Starboord Side as allsoe all ye rest to ye Southward by itt, 
soe you shall have another small Island showing like a 
Moorea Turbath as they doe ware on their heades, soe as 
neer as may bee or as occation will give Leave keep ye 
middle between ye 2 Islands soe leaving ye last mentioned 
on ye Larboord Side, w'ch Island ye Country people call 
pulla Gowsan, there lyeth breakers neer both ye Islands, 
butt there is roome enough, for they ly neer 4 Leagues 
asund'r : and being in ye midd way between them you shall 
find noe ground in 45 fia* of Line, y'n if cleer whea'r you 
shall see ye 4 Islands y't makes ye Road of Priam, bearing 
N. b. E. to N. N. B. from you, and ye 2 great hills will 
bee y*n N. E. b. N. from you, soe stearing partly with 
ye middlemost two Islands till you bee some 3 or 4.Myle8 
w'th in ye Island pulla Gowsan, y'n you shall find 38 fath. 
watt'r w'th a fine pepperish Sand, soe y't if itt should 


happen to bee night time there is noe feare in finding a way 
good method of Sounding of 36, 34, 32, 30, and soe to 15 
fath', y'n will you bee about a myle and i from ye Road, 
and for ye knowing ye road your best way is to goe throw 
between the 2 middle Islands and keeping an Equall dis- 
tance between y'm you shall find noe less watt'r y'n 6 
and 5J fiathom till you bee throgh, y'n keep cloase to ye 
Island on your Larboord Side, and you may Anchor in 4 
ffa', which is ye most you will find between ye Island and 
ye Shoald from ye Maine, being nott much broad'r y'n ye 
River of Theames att Blackwall, you must bring ye Island 
to beare W. S. W. J W. or els if you bee more Southerly or 
more Northerly you will find all Currell bankes w'ch will 
bee seen att low watt'r, bee sure to moore wHh ye best 
Anchor and Cable toward the Island and ye other to ye 
Shoald. The high land showing Like ye Seate of a Saddle 
will beare N. E. J E. This Road of Priaman I find by 
very good obs'n to bee Situated in Latt'd* S. 0** 35/ 




Wherein is proved not onely by Aucthoritie of Writers, 

but also by late experience of Travellers and Reasons 

of Substantiall Probabilitie, that the Worlde in all 

his Zones, Clymats, and places, is habitable 

and inhabited, and the Seas likewise 

universally navigable without any 

naturall anoyance to hinder 

the same, 

Whereby appeares that from England there is a short and 

speedie passage into the South Seas, to China, 

Molucca, Philippina, and India, by Northerly 


To the Renowne, Honour, and Benifit of Her Majesties State and 


Published by 


In the Countie of Devon, Gentleman. 
Anno 1595, May 27. 

Imprinted at London 


DMrelling at the Three Cranes in the Vinetree, and are there to be sold. 






My most honorable good Lords, for as mach as it hath 
pleased God, not only to bestow upon your Lordships the 
excellent gifts of natures benefite, but hath also boutified 
the same with such speciall ornamentes of perfection : As 
that thereby the mindes and attentive Industrie of all, have 
no small regard unto your honorable proceedings. And so 
much the rather, because to the great content of all her 
majesties most loving subjectes, it hath pleased her highnes 
in her stately regard of government, to make choise of your 
honours as speciall members in the regall disposition of the 
mightinesse of her imperiall command : Emboldeneth me 
among the rest to humble my selfe at your honorable feete, 
in presenting unto the favour of your excellent judgmentes 
this short treatise of the Worldes Hydrographicall bands. 
And knowing that not onely your renowned places, but 
also the singularitie of your education, by the prudent care 
of your noble progeniters, hath and still doth induce and 
drawe you to favour and imbrace whatsoever beareth but a 
seeming of the commonweales good: Much more then 
that which in substantiall truth shal be most beneficiall to 
the same. I am therefore the more encouraged not to slacke 
this my enterprise, because that through your honorable 
assistance, when in the ballance of your wisdomes this dis- 
covery shall have indifferent consideration, I knowe it will 
be ordered by you to bee a matter of no small moment to 
the good of our countrie. For thereby wee shall not onely 
have a copious and rich vent for al our naturall and artificiall 
comodities of England, in short time by safe passage, and 
without offence of any, but also shall by the first imploy- 
ment retourne into our countrey by spedie passage^ all 



Indian commodities in the ripenes of their perfection, 
whereby her Majesties dominions should bee the store- 
house of Europe, the nurse of the world, and the glory of 
nations, in yielding all forrayne naturall benefites by an 
easie rate: In communicating unto all whatsoever God 
hath unto any one assigned : And by the increase of all 
nations through the mightinesse of trade. Then should the 
merchant, tradesman, and poore artificer, have imployment 
equall to their power and expedition, whereby what notable 
benefites would growe to her Majestic, the state, and com- 
munaltie, 1 refer to your perfect judgementes. And for 
that I am desirous to avoyde the contradiction of vulgar 
conceipts, I have thought it my best course, before I make 
profe of the certaintie of this discoverie, to lay downe 
whatsoever may against the same be objected, and in the 
overthrowe of those conceipted hinderances the safenes of 
the passage^ shall most manifestly appeare, which when 
your wisdomes, shall with your patience peruse, I doe in 
no sort distrust your favorable acceptance and honorable 
assistance of the same. 

And although for divers considerations I doe not in this 
treatis discover my ful knowledge for the place and 
altitude of this passage, yet whensoever it shall so please 
your honours to command, I will in few wordes make the full 
certainty thereof knowne unto your honours, being alwaies 
redie with my person and poore habilitie to prosecute this 
action as your honours shall direct, beseeching God so to 
support you with all happines of this life, favour of her 
Majestic, love of her highnes subjectes, and increase of 
honour as may be to your best content. 

I most humbly take my leave from Sandrudg by Dart- 

this 27 of May, 1595. 

Your Honors in all dutifuU service to 

command, I. D. 

1 The North-west passage is here alluded to. 





All impediments in nature and circumstances of former 
practises duly considered. The Northerly passage to China 
seme very improbable. For first it is a matter very doubt- 
full whether there bee any such passage or no, sith it hath 
beene so often attempted and never performed, as by his- 
torical relation appeareth, whereby wee may fully persuade 
our selves that America and Asia, or some other continent 
are so conjoyned togeather as that it is impossible for any 
such passage to be, the certaintie whereof is substantially 
proved unto us by the experience of Sebastian Gabota,^ 
an expert Pylot, and a man reported of especiall judge- 
ment, who being that wayes imployed returned without 
successe. Jasper Corteriallis,^ a man of no meane practise, 
did likewise put the same in execution, with divers others, 
all which in the best parte have concluded ignorance. If 
not a full consent of such matter. And therefore sith prac- 
tise hath reproved the same, there is no reason why men 

* Sebastian Cabot. 

* Joao Vaz Coeta Cortereal, of the household of the Portuguese In- 
fante Dom Fernando, explored the northern sea in 1464 by order of 
King Affonso V, and discovered the Terra de Baccalhaos^ or land of cod- 
fish, afterwards called Newfoundland. His son, Gaspar Cortereal, un- 
dertook a second northern voyage in 1500. Sailing from the Azores, 
he discovered land, which he called ** Terra Verde'\ in 60** N. This was 
probably Labrador. In 1501 he again sailed, and never returned. His 
brother Michael went in search of him in 1502, but he also was lost. 



should dote upon so great an incertayntie, but if a passage 
may bee prooved and that the contenentes are disjoyned 
whereof there is small hope, yet the impedimentes of the 
clymate (wherein the same is supposed to lie) are such, and 
so offensive as that all hope is thereby likewise utterly 
secluded, for with the frozen zone no reasonable creature 
will deny, but that the extremitie of colde is of such force- 
able action (being the list in the fulness of his owne nature 
without mitigation) as that it is impossible for any mortall 
creature to indure the same, by the vertue of whose work- 
ing power those Northerly Seas are wholly congealed, 
making but one mas or contenent of yse, which is the more 
credible, because the ordenary experience of our fishermen 
geveth us sufficient notice thereof, by reason of the great 
quantitie of yse which they find to be brought upon the cost 
of newefound land from those Northerne regions. By the 
aboundance whereof they are so noysomly pestred, as that 
in many weekes they have not beene able to recover the 
shore, yea and many times recover it not untill the season 
of fishing bee over passed. This then being so in the Sep- 
tcntrionall latitude of 46, 47, and 48 degrees, which by 
natures benefit are latitudes of better temperature than ours 
of England, what hope should there remayne for a naveg- 
able passing to be by the norwest, in the altitude of 60, 
70, or 80 degres, as it may bee more Northerly, when in 
these temperate partes of the world the shod^ of that frozen 
sea breadeth such noysome pester, as the pore fishermen 
doe continually sustain. And therefore it seemeth to be 
more then ignorance that men should attempt Navigation 
in desperate clymates and through seas congeled that never 
dissolve, where the stiffnes of the colde maketh the ayre 
palpably grosse without certainty that the landes are dis- 

1 The clinging of the ice, the annoyance caused by it. An anchor is 
faid to be shod when sand and clay adhere to it. . 



All which im pediments if the^j7ere_ not^^et^in that j^arJL. 
ti f the world Navigation cannot be performed as ordenarily 
it ia naed, for na oxdenacia-sea. chartran dPHnrihfi thnaft 
re gions jBiiher. , in the partes Geographical! or Hydro gra- 
phicall. where the Meridians doe so spedil y gather them - 

->Rr1yFIS tiOgfiathPir^ the parallels hftmng a v^ryft HTnall prnpnr- 
-4iQ n to a grQat cirplej where quicke and uncertayn e varia- 

-iion-oftheJCompaase magr. greatlyJunder or utterly averr 

ihrnw f.lift ftf.f.ftnnpt, , ^g, that for la ck of Curious , lyned / 
globes t o the right u se of Navigation; with. . many Either 
infitruments-fiither unknown^ . ©r gu_t_of uge, and j^et ^of nor 
c^SQitie for.,t]tiat voyage^ it ehouldwith great difficultie be 
attayned . 

All which the premises considered I refer the conclusion 
of these objections and certainty of this passage to the 
generall opinion of my loving countrymen, whoso danger- 
ous attemptes in those desperate uncertainties I wish to be 
altered^ and better imployed in matters of great pro- 

To prove a passage by the Norwest, without any land impe- 
dimentes to hinder the same, by aucthoritie of writters, 
and experience of travellers, contrary to the former ob- 

Homer an ancient writer affirmeth that the world being 
devided into Asia, Africa, and Europe is an Iland,^ which is 
likewise so reported by Strabo* in his first book of Cos- 
mographie, Pomponius Mela' in his third booke, Higi- 

1 This affirmation of Homer is quoted by Strabo (lib. i, cap. i, sec. 3). 

9 << Perception and experience alike inform us that the earth ^e inhabit 
ia an island : since, wherever men have approached the termination of 
the land, the sea, which we designate ocean, has been met with.^* — 
JStrabo (Bohn trans., i, p. 7). 

* Pomponius Mela, the geographer, flourished about 45 a.d. The 
best editions of his work, chilled De Situ Orbisy date from the hvst cen- 
tury ; but it was well known in the days of Elizabeth. 


nius,^ Solinus,* with others. Whereby it is manifest that 
America was then undiscovered and to them unknowne, other- 
wise they would have made relation of it as of the rest. Neither 
could they in reason have reported Asia^ Africa, and Europa 
to bee an Hand unles they had knowne the same to be con- 
joyned and in all his partes to be invironed with the seas. 
And further, America beeing very neere of equall quantitie 
with all the rest, could not be reported as a parte either of 
Africa, Asia, or Europa, in the ordenarie lymites of discre- 
tion. And therefore of necessitie it must be concluded 
that Asia, Africa, and Europa, the first reveiled world 
being knowne to bee an Hand, America must likewise be 
in the same nature because in no parte it conjoyneth with 
the first. 

By experience of Travellers to prove this passage. 

And that wee neede not to range after forrayne and 
ancient authorities, whereat curious wittes may take many 
exceptions, let us conssider the late discoveryes performed, 
within the space of two ages not yet passed, whereby it 
shall so manifestly appeare that Asia, Africa, and Europa 
are knit togeather, making one continent, and are wholly 
invironed with the seas, as that no reasonable creature shall 
have occasion thereof to doubt. And first beginning at the 
north of Europe from the north cape in 71 degrees, whereby 
our merchantes passe in their trade to S. Nicholas^ in 
Rouscia descending towardes the South, the Navigation is 
without impediment to the- Cape of Bona Esperanca, 
ordenarilie traded and daily practised. 

* C. Julius Hyginufl, an obscure Latin grammarian and commentator. 

* C. Julius Solinus, a grammarian at the end of the first century, who 
wrote a book called Polyhistor : a collection of geographical notes. He 
has been called Pliny's Ape. 

* I'ho town of St. Nicholas, situated on the eastern shore of the 
White Soa. 



And therefore not to be gajnesayed : whicli two capso 
are distant more then 2,000 leagues by the neerest tract, in 
all which distaances America is not founde to bee any 
thing neere the coastes either of Europe or Afric, for from 
England the chefest of the partes of Europa to Newfound- 
land being parte of America it is 600 leagues, the neerest 
distance that any part thereof beareth unto Europa. And 
from Cape Verde in Gynny,^ being parte of Africa, unto 
Cape Saint Augustine in Brasill beeing parte of America, 
it wanteth but little of 500 leagues, the neerest distance 
betweene Africa and America. Likewise from the sayd 
North Cape to Nova Zemla by the course of East and West 
neerest, there is passable say ling, and the North partes of 
Tartaria are well knowne to be banded with the Scithian 
Seas to the promontary Tabin,^ so that truely it is apparant 
that America is farre remooved, and by a great sea divided 
from any parte of Africa or Europa. 

And for the Southerne partes of the first reveilcd world, 
it is most manifest that from the Capo of Bona Esporanca 
towardes the east, the costes of Sofall^, Mosombiquo 
Melinde, Arabia, and Persia, whose gulfes lye open to the 
mayne occian : 

And all the coastes of East India to the Capes of Callacut 
and Malacca, are banded with a mightio sea upon the South, 
whose lymmates are yet undiscovered. 

And from the cape of Malacca towardes the North so high 
as the He of Japan, and from thence the cost of China 
being part of Asia, continueth still North to the promontary 
Tabin, where the Scithian Sea and this Indian Sea have 
recourse togeather, no part of America being nere the same 
by many 100 leages to hinder this paHsage. 

For from the Callafornia being parte of America, U) tlio 
yles of Philippina bordering upon the coanten of China 
being parte of A.sia, is 2,100 leages, and therefore America 

1 Gainea, ' Now call«^J (y^j^; ('Ju:\yttnk'iti. 


in farther separated from Asia^ then from any the sea coastes 
either of Europe or Africa. Wherby it is most manifest 
that Asia^ Africa^ and Earopa are conjoyned in an Hand. 
And therefore of necessity followeth that America is con- 
tained under one or many ylands, for from the septentrionall 
lat. of 75 deg. unto the straights of Magilan, it is knowne 
to be navigable and hath our west occian to lymet the 
borders thereof, and through the straightes of Magillane 
no man doubteth but there is Navigable passage, from 
which straightes, upon all the Westerne borders of America, 
the costs of Chili, Chuli, Rocha,^ Baldivia,* Peru to the 
ystmos of Dariena, and so the whole West shores of Nova 
Hispania^ are banded out by a loug and mightie sea, not 
having any shore neere unto it by one thousand leagues 
towardes the West, howe then may it be possible that Asia 
and America should make one continent? 

To prove the premisses by the attemptes of ourowne Gountrey' 

men, besides others. 

But least it should be objected that the premises are 
conceites, the acting aucthors not nominated, I will use 
some boldnes to recyte our owne countreymen by whose 
paynefuU travells these truthes are made manifest unto us. 
Hoping and intreting that it may not bee offensive, though 
in this sorte I make relation of their actions. 

And firste to begin with the North partes of Europe, it is not 
unknowne to all our countrymen, that from the famous citie 
of London, Syr Huge Willobie,* knight, gave the first attempt 
for the North estren discoveries, which were afterward most 
notably accomplished by master Borrowes,* a Pylot of ex- 
cellent judgemente, and fortunate in his actions, so farre as 
Golgova Vaygats and Nova Zemla, with trade thereby pro- 

> Mocha. An island on the coast of Chile. 

• A sea-port in the south of Chile. ■ Mexico. 

* Sir Hugh Willoughby. » Stephen Borrough. 


ATrnrPTS xati bt exgulkix 201 

cured to S. Nicholas in Bouscia. Then snccedcd master 
Ginkinson/ who bv his land travel! discovered the Scithian 
sea to lymit the North coastes of Tartaria so farre as the 
river Ob. So that by our countrymen the North partes of 
Europe are at full made knowne unto us : and proovod to 
joyne with no other continent to hinder this passage. Tho 
common and ordenary trade of the Spanyard and Portingall, 
from Lysbome to the coasts of Guyny, Bynny, Miua^ Angola, 
Manicougo, and the cost of Ethiopia^ to the cape of Bona 
Esperanca, and all the cost of Est India and lies of Molucca, 
(by which wonderfull and copious trade, they are so mightily 
inriched, as that now they cballeng a monarchy unto them- 
selves upon the whole face of the earth), that their trade I 
say prooveth that America is farre seperated from any parte 
of Africa or the South of Asia. 

And the same Spaniard trading in the Gityo of Canton 
within the kingdome of China, having layd his storehousg 
of aboundance in Manellia,* a cityo by him erected iu Lu- 
zon, one of the lUos of Philippa, bordriug upon tho cost of 
China, doth by his common and ordenurie passages to Japan 
and other the borders of tho coast, knowo that tho Est 
continent of Asia lieth due North and South, so high as 
tho promontory Tabin,^ where tho Scithian sea and his nuiino 
occian of China are conjoyned. But with what care thoy 
labour to conceale that matter of Ilydrographio for tho 
better preservation of their fortunato estato, 1 refer to tho 
excellent judgement of statesmen that painefully labour in 
the glorious administration of a well governed Common 
weale, so that by them Africa and Asia are proved in 
no parte to joyne with America, thereby to hinder UiIh 

> AnthoDy Jenkinson. * Maiiilln. 

• The naiDC given by Pliny, who wyH, ** lit rum th'nnlt Snjihir. ///*- 
rwiifpte tletferta cum hdluvt^ vufpu: ml jufjnm incnhanii mnri^ t/aofl rot'niU 
Tabci".--C. Plinii, Nat, llUt., hb. vi. 



By late experience to yrove that America is an Iland, and 
may he sayled round abovt contrary to the former 

Asm, Africa, and Europa being prooved to bo conjoined 
and an Hand, it now resteth to bee knowne by what autho- 
ritie America is proved to be likewise an Iland^ so that 
thereby all land impedimentes are removed, which might 
brede the dread or nncertaynty of this passage. The first 
Englishman that gave any attempt npon the coastes of West 
India, being parte of America, was syr John Hawkins, 
knight : who there and in that attempt, as in many others 
sithins, did and hath prooved himselfe to be a man of ex- 
cellent capacity, great government, and perfect resolution. 
For before he attempted the same it was a matter doubt* 
fiill, and reported the extremest lymit of danger to sayle 
upon thpsc coastes. So that it was generally in dread among 
us, such is the slownes of our nation, for the most part of 
us rather joy at home like Epicures, to sit and carpe at other 
mens hassardes, our selves not daring to give any attempt. 
(I meane such as are at leisure to seeke the good of their 
countrie, not being any wayes imployed as paynefuU mem- 
bers of a common weale,) then either to further or give 
due commendations to the deservers howe then may Syr 
John Hawkins bee esteemed, who, being a man of good 
account in his Country, of wealth and great imployment, 
did notwithstanding for the good of his Countrey, to procure 
trade, give that notable and resolute attempt. Whose steps 
many hundreds following sithins have made themselves 
men of good esteeme, and fit for the service of her sacrid 

And by that his attempt of America (wherof West India 
is a parte) is well prooved to be many hundred leagues 
distant from any part of Afric or Europe. 

Then succeeded Syr Francis Drake in his famous and 



ever renowned voyage about the world, who departing from 
Plimouth^ directed his coarse for the straightes of Magil- 
lane^ which place was also reported to be most dangerous^ 
by reason of the continuall, violent, and unresistable current 
that was reported to have continuall passage into the 
straightes, so that once entring therein there was no more 
hope remayning of returne, besides the perill of shelves, 
straightness of the passage, and uncertayne wyndinges of 
the same, all which bread dread in the highest degree, the 
distance and dangers considered. So that before his re- 
vealing of the same the matter was in question, whether 
there were such a passage or no, or whether Magillane did 
passe the same, if there was such a man so named ; but 
Syr Frauncis Drake, considering the ^reat benefit that 
might arise by his voyage through that passage, and the 
notable discoveries that might be thereby performed, re- 
garded not these dastardly affections of the idle multitude^ 
but considering with judgement that in nature there cold 
be no such perpetuitie of violence where the occian is in no 
sorte straighted, proceeded with discreet provision, and so 
departing from England arrived unto the same, and with 
good successe (through Gods most favorable mercy passed 
through), wherein his resolution hath deserved everlasting 
commendations. For the place in viewe is dangerous and 
veryo unpleasing, and in the execution to passe Nothing 
may seeme more doubtful, for fourteen leagues west within 
the cape of Saint Maria^ lyeth the first straight, where it 
floweth and ebbeth with violent swiftnes, the straight not 
half a mile broad, the first fall into which straight is verye 
dangerous and doubtfull. 

This straight lasteth in his narrownes three leages, then 
falling into another sea eight leages broad, and eight leages 
through there lyeth the second straight, due west South- 

» Cape Virgins, sometimes called by the old navigators Cabo de la 
Virgen Sta. Maria. See also note 1, p. 109. 


West from the firste, which course, being unknowne, it is no 
small perill in finding this second straightes^ and that 
agayne is not a myle broad, and continneth the bredth, three 
or four leages South west, with violent swiftnes of flowing 
and reflowing, and there agayne he falleth into another Sea, 
through which, due South south-west, lyeth the Cape 
Proward and his straight (so rightly named in the true 
nature of his perversenes, for be the wind never so favor- 
able at that cape it will be directly agaynst you, with violent 
and daungerous flaughes), where there are three places pro- 
bable to continue the passage. 

But the true straight lyeth from this cape West 
Nor West, where the land is very high, all covered with 
snowe, and full pf dangerous counter-windes, that beate 
with violence from those huge mountaines, from which 
cape the straight is never broder then two leages, and 
in many places not halfe a mile without hope of ancor- 
age, the channell beeing shore deepe more then two 
hundreth fadomes, and so continueth to the South Sea 
forty leages, only to bee releved in little dangerous coves, 
with many turnings and chang of courses : how perilous then 
was this passage to Syr Frauncis Drake, to whom at that 
time no parte thereof was knowne. And being without 
reliefe of ancorage, was inforced to follow his course in the 
hell darke nights, and in all the fury of tempestious stormes. 
I am the bolder to make this particular relation in the 
praise of his perfect constancy and magnanemitye of spirite, 
because I have thrised passed the same straights, and have 
felt the most bitter and mercyles fury thereof. But now 
knowing the place as I doe (for I have described every 
creke therein),^ I know it to be a voiage of as great 
certaynty, pleasure, and ease as any whatsoever that beareth 

^ It is greatly to be regretted that this description of the Strait of 
Magellan by John Davis is not to be found. John Jane alludes to it in 
his Ilistory of the Voyage, at p. 117. 


but ^ the distaunce from England that these straightes doe. 
And this straight is founde to 1^200 leages from any parte 
of Africa, so that truely it is manifest that these two landes 
are by no small distance seperated. 

And after that Syr Frauncis was entred into the Soath 
Seas he coasted all the Westeme shores of America nntill 
he came into the Septentrionall latitade of forty-eight 
degrees being on the backe syde of Newfound land. And 
from thence shaping his course towardes Asia found by his 
travells that the Ills of Molucca are distant from America 
more then two hundreth leages^ howe then can Asia and 
Africa be conjoyned and make one continent to hinder the 
passage, the men yet living that can reprove the same, but 
t his conceipt is the bastard of ig nor^TiRe hnrna fTimngh tha 
foc pication of tlu^ .i;QAlitioa& .multitude. lhaLonelyi.d(mre- -to 
hi nder when themselves can. doe. na^ood. 

Now their onely resteth the North parts of America, 
upon which coast myselfe have had most experience of any 
in our age : for thrise I was that waye imployed for the 
discovery of this notable passage, by the honourable care 
and some charge of Syr Francis Walsingham, knight, prin- 
cipall secretary to her Majestic, with whom divers noble 
men and worshipfuU marchants of London joyned in purse 
and willingnesse for the furtherance of that attempt, but 
when his honour dyed the voyage was friendlesse, and mens 
mindes alienated from adventuring therein. 

In my first voyage not experienced of the nature of those Tho i 
climates, and having no direction either by Chart, Globe, or 
other certaine relation in what altitude that passage was to 
be searched, I shaped a Northerly course, and so sought the 
same toward the South, and in that my Northerly course I 
fell upon the shore which in ancient time was called Green- 
land, five hundred leagues distant from the Durseys,^ West- 
north west Northerly, the land being very high and full of 

1 See note 3, p. 33. 


mightie mountaines all covered with snowe, no viewe of 
wood^ grasse^ or earth to be seene^ and the shore two 
leagues off into the sea so full of yce as that no shipping 
could by any meanes come neere the same. The lothsome 
view of the shore, and irksome noyse of the yce was such, 
that it bred strange conceites among us, so that we sup- 
posed the place to be wast and voyd of any sensible or 
vegitable creatures, whereupon I called the same Desolation : 
so coasting this shore towards the South in the latitude of 
sixtie degrees, Lfnnnfl i t to trend towards the Wes t. I still 
followed the leading therof in the same height, and after 
fifty or sixtie leagues it fay led and lay directly North , which 
I still followed, and in thirtie leagues sayling upon the 
West side of this coast, by me named Desolation, we were 
past al the yce and found many greene and pleasant Isles 
bordering upon the shore, but the mountaines of the maine 
were still covered with great quantities of snow. I brought 
my ship among those Isles, and there mored to refresh 
ourselves in our weary travell, in the latitude of sixtie foure 
degrees or there about. The people of the countrey having 
espyed our shippes came downe unto us in their Canoas, 
and holding up their right hand to the Sunne and crying 
Yliaout^ would strike their breasts : we doing the like the 
people came aboard our shippes, men of good stature, 
unbearded, small eyed and of tractable conditions, by 
whome as signes would permit, we understood that towards 
the North and West there was a great sea, and using the 
people with kindenes in giving them nayles and knives 
which of all things they most desired, we departed, and 
finding the sea free from yce, supposing our selves to be 
past al daunger, we s haped our course Westnorthwest, 
thinking thereby to passe for China, but in the latitude of 
sixtie sixe degrees wee fell with another shore, and there 
found another passage of twenty leagues broad directly West 

1 See p. 21. 


into the same^^ which we supposed to be oar hoped 
straight^ we entered into the same thirtie or fortie leagnes^ 
finding it neither to wyden nor straighten ; then considering 
that the yeere was spent (for this was in the fine of August) 
not knowing the length of the straight and dangers thereof^ 
we tooke it our best course to retume with notice of our 
good successe for this small time of search. 

And so returning in a sharpe fret of Westerley windes^ 
the 29 of September, we arrived at Dartmouth. And 
acquainting master Secretary with the rest of the honour- 
able and worshipful! adventurers of all our proceedings, I was 
appointed againe the seconde yere to search the bottome of 
this straight, because by all likelihood it was the place and 
passage by us laboured for. 

In this second attempt the marchants of Exeter and The 2 


other places of the AT est became adventurers in the action, 
so that being sufiBciently furnished for sixe moneths, and 
having direction to search these straights uutill we found 
the same to fall into another sea upon the West side of 
this part of America, we should againe retume : for then it 
was not to be doubted but shipping with trade might safely 
be conveied to China and the parts of Asia. We departed 
from Dartmouth, and arriving unto the South part of the 
coast of Desolation, coasted the same upon his West shore 
to the latitude of sixetie sixe degrees, and there ancored 
among the Isles bordering upon the same, where we re- 
freshed oar selves ; the people of this place came likewise 
anto us, by whom I understood through their signes that 
towards the North the sea was large. 

At this place the chiefe ship whereupon I trusted, called 
the Merrnayd of Dartmouth, found many occasions of discon- 
tentment, and being unwilling to proceed, shee there forsook 
me. Then considering how I had given my faith and most 
constant promise to my worshipful! good friend master Wil- 

> CumberlaiKl Gulf. 


liam Sanderson, who of all mon was the greatest adventurer 
in that action, and tooke such care for the performance 
thereof, that he hath to my knowledge at one time dis- 
bursed as much money as any five others whatsoever out of 
his owne purse, when some of the companie have been 
slacke in giving in their adventure : And also knowing 
that I should loose the favor of M. Secretary Walsingham 
if I should shrink from his direction : in one small barke of 
80 Tunnes whereof M. Sanderson was owner, alone without 
farther comfort or company I proceeded on my voyage, and 
arriving at these straights followed the same 80 leagues 
untill I came among many Islands, where the water did 
ebbe and flowe sixe fadome up right/ and where there had 
bene great trade of people to make traine.^ But by such 
things as there we found wee knew that they were not 
Christians of Europe that had used that trade : in fine, by 
searching with our boat we found small hope to passe any 
farther that way, and therefore retouming agayne reco- 
vered the sea and coasted the shore towards the South, and 
in so doing (for it was too late to search towards the 
North) we found another great inlet neere 40 leagues 
broad, where the water entered in with violent swiftnesse^ 
this we also thought might be a passage : for no doubt the 
The North North partes of America are all Islands by ought that I 
America all could perccivo therein : but because I was alone in a small 

Islands. *^ 

barke of thirtie tunnes, and the yeere spent, I entred not 
into the same, for it was now the seventh of September, 
but coasting the shore towardes the South wee saw an in- 
credible number of birds : having divers fishermen aboord 
our barke they all concluded that there was a great skull 
of fish, we being unprovided of fishing furniture with a long 
spike nayle made a hooke, and fastening the same to one 
of our sounding lines, before the bait was changed we 
tooke more than fortie great Cods, the fish swimming so 
1 The rise and fall of the tide is here alluded to. * Train-oil. 


abundantly thicke about our barke as is incredible to bee 
reported, of which with a small portion of salt that we 
had, we preserved some thirtie couple, or thereabouts, and 
so returned for England. 

And having reported to M. Secretarie Walsingham the 
whole successe of this attempt, he commanded me to 
present unto the moat honourable Lord high Treasurour 
of England some part of that fish : which when his Lord- 
ship saw, and heard at large the relation of this second 
attempt, I received favourable countenance from his honour, 
advising me to prosecute the action, of which his Lordship 
conceived a very good opinion. 

The next yere, although divers of the adventurers fell 
from the Action, as all the Westerne marchants, and most 
of those in London : yet some of the adventurers, both 
honourable and worshipfull, continued their willing favour 
and charge, so that by this meanes the next yere two 
shippes were appointed for the fishing and one pinnesse 
for the discoverie. 

Departing from Dartmouth, through Gods mercifull ySyi^e. 
favour, I arrived at the place of fishing, and there according 
to my direction, I left the two ships to follow that busines, 
taking their faithfuU promise not to depart untill my re- 
turne unto them, which should be in the fine of August, 
and so in the barke I proceeded for the discoverie : but 
after my departure in sixteene dayes the two shippes had 
finished their voyage, and so presently departed for Eng- 
land, without regard of their promise : my selfe not dis- 
trusting any such hard measure proceeded for the disco- 
verie^and followed my course in the free and open sea \ 
J^fitw^ena ^oxtk and.Nxu'thwe&t ia-th^ latitude of 07 de- i 
gl^cs, and there I might see America West fr^m me, ' 
and Desolation East: then when I saw the land of both 
sides I began to distrust it would proove but a gulfe: 
notwithstanding, desirous to know the full certainty I pro- 


ceeded, and in 63 degrees the passage enlarged^ so that I 
could not see the Westerne shore: thus I continued to the 
latitude of 73 degrees in a great sea, free from ycejL.coasting 
t he Westerne shore of Desolation : the people came con- 
tinually rowing out unto me in their Canoes, twenty, forty, 
and one hundred at a time, and would give me fishes dryed, 
Salmon, Salmon peale. Cod, Caplin,^ Lumpe,* Stonebase,^ 
and such like, besides divers kinds of birds, as Partrige, 
Fesant,* Guls, Sea birds and other kindes of flesh. 

I still laboured by signes to know from them what they 
k new of any 9.^a_tQwaxd.the Northj they still made signes of 
a^great sea as we understood. them^„tben I departed from 
that coast thinking to discover the North parts of America. 

And after I had sayled towards the West 40 leagues, I fel 
upon a great banke of yce: the winde being North and 
blew much, I was constrained to coast the same toward 
the South, not seeing any shore West from me, neither 
was there any yce towards the North, but a great sea, 
free, large, very salt and blew, and of an unsearcheable 
depth. So coasting towards the South I came to the place 
where I left the ships to fish, but found them not. Then 
being forsaken and left in this distresse, referring my selfe 
to the mercifull providence of God, I shaped my course for 
England, and unhoped for of any, God alone releeving me, I 
arrived at Dartmouth. 

By this last discovery it seemed most manifest that 
the passage was free and without impediment toward the 
North : but by reason of the Spanish fleet, and unfortunate 
time of M. Secretarie's death, the voyage was omitted and 
never si thins attempted. 

The cause why I use this particular relation of all my pro- 

' Capelin (MalloUis villosus). 

' Lump fish (Blennius lumpenus). 

^ The black bass (Centropistis nigricans), 

* The partridges and pheasants can only have been ptarmigan. 


ceedings for this discovery, is to stay this objection, — Why 
hath not Davis discovered this passage being thrise that 
wayes imploied ? 

How far I proceeded and in what forme this discovery 
lieth, doth appeare upon the Globe which M. Sanderson 
to his very great charge hath published, for the which he 
deserveth great favour and commendations.^ Made by 
master Emery Mullineux, a man wel qualited, of a good 
judgment and very experte in many excellent practises in 
myselfe being the onely meane with master Sanderson to 
imploy master Mulineux therein, whereby he is now growne 
to a most exquisite perfection. 

Anthony de Mendoza, Viceroy of Mexico, sent certayne 
of his captaynes by land, and also a navy of ships by sea, to 
search out the Norwest passage, who aflSrmed by his 
letters, dated from Mexico in anno 1541 unto the Einpe- 
rour, being then in Flaunders, that towardes the Norwest 
hee had founde the Kingdome of Cette, Citta, Alls, Ceuera, 
seven cities,* and howe beyond the sayd kingdome, farther 
towardes the Norwest, Francisco Vasques of Coronudo, 
having passed great desarts, came to the sea side, where 
he found certayne shippes which sayled by that sea with 
merchandize, and had in their banners upon the prows of 
their shippes certayne fowles made of golde and silver, 
named Alcatrazzi,' and that the mariners signified unto 
him by signes, that they were thirtie dayes comming to the 
haven, whereby he understoode that those could be of no 
other country but of Asia, the next knowne continent 
towardes the West. And, farther, the sayd Anthony 
affirmed that by men wel practised hee understoode that 

1 This globe is now in the Middle Temple library. See an account of 
it in the Introduction. 

' The ** seven cities** in the kingdom of Cevola, called by Davis 
Cevera. The other names— Cette, Citta, Alls — are some mistake. See 
note on next page. * Pelicans. 





950 leages of that country was discovered upon the same 
Sea.^ Now if the cost in that distance of leages should lye 

^ lu 1532 Hernan Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, sent two ships 
from Acapulco, under the command of Don Diego Hurtado de Men- 
doza, to make discoveries to the north-west. In the previous year 
Nuno de Guzman, a man of a brutal and ferocious disposition, had led a 
land expedition to the north of Mexico, in search of the fabled '^ seven 
cities". He founded a town on the Pacific coast in nearly 22' N., which 
was called Compostella, and the new province received the name of 
New Galicia. Mendoza never returned ; but when Cortes heard that 
his ships were missing, he sent two more in 1533, under Diego Bezerra 
de Mendoza and Hernando de Grijalva, with orders to search for the 
missing ships, and continue the discoveries northwards. Bezerra de 
Mendoza was murdered by his mutinous crew, and these ruffians appear 
to have been the discoverers of California. Grijalva returned. Nufio 
de Guzman had seized the ship in which the mutineers had murdered 
Bezerra de Mendoza, and refused to restore it to Cortes. The conqueror, 
therefore, marched from Mexico towards New Galicia in 1536, sending 
three vessels along the coast to meet him. He embarked at the port of 
Chametlan, meeting with no opposition from Guzman, and sailed north- 
west to California. He formed a settlement in the bay of Santa 
Cruz, inside the gulf. On receiving news of the appointment of Don 
Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy of Mexico, Cortes returned, leaving his 
colony to the care of Francisco de Ulloa, who abandoned it soon after- 
wards, returning to Acapulco in 1537. 

The first act of the new Viceroy was to supersede Guzman, and send 
Francisco Vasquez de Coronado to New Galicia, with orders to conciliate 
the natives by just treatment, and to make further discoveries. In 
obedience to these instructions, several journeys were undertaken. 
Marcos de Niza, a Franciscan Friar, penetrated along the east coast of 
the Gulf of California, and got tidings of the ^^ seven cities^\ the nearest 
of which was Cevola. In consequence of the reports of Niza, an expedi- 
tion was sent by sea, to discover Cevola, under Francisco de (Jlloa, in 
1539. Ulloa completed the discovery of the Gulf of California in that 
year, and then sailed up the exterior coast. Hakluyt (iii, p. 424) saya 
that he reached the latitude of 30^ 30' N. before returning to Acapulco 
in May 1540. 

In 1540 the Viceroy Mendoza ordered Francisco Vasquez de Coro- 
nado, the Governor of New Galicia, to march into the country of Cevola 
to the north, three store-ships following along the coast under Hernando 
de Alarcon. An account of the voyage of Alarcon was written by him- 
self, and is given in Ramusio and Hakluyt. He returned after sailing 
up the const of California, and discovering the large river of Colorado 


to the West, it would then adjoyne with the North partes 
of Asia, and then it would be a far shorter voyage then 
thirtie dayes sayhng ; but that it is nothing neere Asia by 
former authoritie is suflSciently expressed : then if it should 
lie towardes the North it would extend itself almost unto 
the pole, a voiage over tedious to be perfourmed by land 

Therefore of necessity this distance of 950 leages must 
lie betweene the North and East, which by Anthony de 
Especio, in his late travells upon the North of America, is 
suflSciently discovered. Then, this being so, the distance is 
very small betweene the East parte of this discovered Sea 
and the passage wherein I have so painefully laboured. 
What doth then hinder us of England, unto whom of all 
nations this discovery would be most beneficiall, to be in- 
credulous, slow of understanding, and negligent in the 
highest degree for the search of this passage, which is 
most apparently prooved, and of wonderfull benefit to the 
universal state of our countrey ? Why should we be thus 
blinded, seeing our enemies to posses the fruites of our 
blessednes and yet will not perceive the same ? But I hope 
the eternall majestic of God, the sole disposer of all thinges, 
will also make this to appeare in his good time. 

at its head. Meanwhile, Coronado marched northwards and found the 
" seven cities" to be merely small towns in a country called Cevola. It 
is Gomara {Conqnista de Mexico^ p. IIG) who relates the story, referred 
to in the text, that Coronado^s army came to the sea coast, where they 
saw vessels that bad in their prows figures of birds like pelicans, wrought 
in gold and silver. These vessels were laden with merchandise, and the 
Spaniards believed that they came from China. The people in them 
made signs that fi-om their country they had sailed thirty days. Coro- 
nado reached a latitude of 4(>*^ N. before returning to Mexico. 

Next followed, in 1542, the voyage of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, who 
died before the ships returned, having reached 44^ N. along the coast. 
Autonio de Espejo discovered New Mexico in 1583. 

Full accounts of these voyages and expeditions by land are given in 
Hakluyt, from Ramusio and Gomara. 



Cornelius Nepos recyteth that when Quintus Metellus 
Ccesar was pro-consull for the Romanes in Fraunce, the 
King of Suevia gave him certayne Indians^ which, sayling 
out of India for merchandize, were by tempest driven upon 
the coastes of Germany, a matter very strange that Indians 
in the fury of stormes should arrive upon that coast. It 
resteth now carefully to consider by what windo they were 
so driven. If they had boene of any parte of Africa, how 
could they escape the ylls of Cape Verd, or the ylles of 
Canaria, the coastes of Spayne, Fraunce, Ireland, or Eng- 
land to arrive as they did ; but it was never knowne that 
any the natyves of Afric or Ethiopia have used shippings. 
Therefore they could not bee of that parte of the worlde, 
for in that distance sayling they would have been starved 
if no other shore had given them relefe. And that they 
were not of America is verye manifest, for upon all the 
Est parte of that continent, beeing now thereby discovered, 
it hath not at any time beene perceived that those people 
were ever accustomed to any order of shipping, which ap- 
peareth by the arrival of Colon^ upon those coastes, for they 
had his shipping in such wonderfull admiration that they 
supposed him and his companie to have descended from 
heaven, so rare and strange a thing was shipping in their 
eyes. Therefore those Indians could not bee of America, 
safely to bee driven upon the coastes of Germany, the 
distance and impedimentes well considered. 

Then, comming neither from Afric nor America, they 
must of necessitie come from Asia, by the Noreast or Nor- 
west passages. 

But it should seme that they came not by the Noreast 
to double the promontory Tabin, to bee forced through the 
Scithian Sea, and to have good passage through the narrow 
straight of Nova Zemla, and never to recover any shore, is 
a matter of great impossibilitie. Therefore it needes 

' Columbus. 


be concluded that they came by the North partes of A.merica^ 
through that discovered sea of 050 leages, and that they 
were of those j)eople which Francisco Vasques of Coronado 
discovered, all which premises considered there reraaineth 
no more doubting but that the landes are disjoyned, and 
that there is a Navigable passage by the Norwest, of God 
for us alone ordained to our infinite happines, and for the 
ever being glory of her majestie, for then her stately seate 
of London should be the storehouse of Europe : the nurse 
of the world : and the renowne of Nations, in yelding all 
forraine naturall benefits by an easie rate, in short time 
returned unto us, and in the fulnes of their natural perfec- 
tion : by natural participation through the world of all 
naturall and artificiall benefites, for want whereof at this 
present the most part live distressed : and by the excellent 
comoditie of her seate, the mightines of her trade, with 
force of shipping thereby arising, and most aboundant accesse 
and intercourse from all the Kingdomes of the worlde, then 
should the ydle hand bee scorned, and plenty by industry in 
all this land should be proclamed. 

And therefore the passage prooved and the benefits to all 
most apparant, let us no longer neglect our happines, but 
like Christians with willing and voluntary spirits labour 
without fainting for this so excellent a benefit. 

To proove by Experience that the Seafryseth not. 

Having suflSciently prooved that there is a passage with- 
out land impediments to hinder the same, contrary to the 
first obection, it no we resteth that the other supposed impedi- 
ments bee likewise answered. And firste as touching the 
frost and fresing of the seas, it is supposed that the frozen 
zone is not habitable, and seas innavigable by reason of the 
vehemencie of cold, by the divine creator allotted to that 
part of the world, and we are drawn into that absurdity of 
this opinion by a conjectural reason of the sunnes far dis- 



tance and long absence under the horizon of the greatest 
parte of that zone, whereby the working power of colde 
perfourmeth the fulnesse of his nature, not having any con- 
trary disposition to hinder the same, and when the Sonne 
by his presence should comfort that parte of the world, his 
beames are so far removed from perpendicularitie by reason 
of his continuall neerenes to the horizon, as that the efiectes 
thereof answere not the violence of the winters cold. And 
therefore those seas remayne for ever undissolved. Which 
if it be so, that the nature of cold can congeale the seas, it 
is very likely that his first working power beginneth upon 
the upper face of the waters, and so descending workoth his 
effect, which if it were, howe then commeth it to passe that 
shippes sayle by the North cape to St. Nicholas, five 
degrees or more within the frozen zone, and finde the seas 
free from pester of yse, the farther from the shore the 
clearer from yse. And myselfe likewise howe coulde I have 
sayled to the septentrionall latitude of seventie five degrees, 
being nine degrees within the frozen zone, betweene two 
lands where the sea was straightened not fortie leages 
broade in some places, and thereby restrained from the 
violent motion and set of the maine occian and yet 
founde the same Navigable and free from yse not onely in 
the midst of the chauell, but also close aborde the estem 
shore by me name Desolation, and therefore what neede the 
repetition of authorities from writers, or wrested philo- 
sophical reasons, when playne experience maketh the matter 
so manifest, and yet J deny not but that I have scene in 
some part of those seas, two sortes of yse, in very great 
quantity, as a kind of yse by seamen name ylands of yse,^ 
being very high above the water, fortie and fiftie fadomes 
by estimation and higher, and every of those have beene 
seven times as much under the water, which I have proved 
by taking a peece of yse and have put the same in a vessell 

• Icebergs. 


of salt water, and still have found the seventh part thereof 
to bee above the water, into what forme soever I have 
reduced the same, and this kind of yse is nothing but 
snowe which falleth in those great peeces, from the high , 
mountains^ bordering close upon the shore depe seas. (For 
nil 4hfi ppft- rc}nAt(^fi nf Dpsnm.i'^n are mountains of equa ll 
height with the pike of T eneri f ^ with verye great vallies / 
hfitaieexie^Jbhem) which I have seene incredible to bee f 
reported, that upon the toppe of some of these ylls of yse, .' 
there have beene stones of more then one hundreth tonnes 
wayght, which in his fall that snowe hath torne from the 
clyffs, and in falling maketh such an horible noyse as if there 
were one hundreth canons shot of at one instant, and this 
kind of yse is verye white and freshe, and with shore winds 
is many times beaten far of into the seas, perhaps twentie 
leugos, and that is the farthest distance that they have ever 
bin seene from the shore. The other kind is called flake 
yse, blue, very heard and thinne, not above three fadomes 
thick at the farthest, and this kinde of yse bordreth close 
upon the shore. And as the nature of heate with apt vessels 
devideth the pure spirit from his grosse partes by the 
coning practise of distillation : so doth the colde in these 
regions devide and congeale the fresh water from the salt, 
nere such shores where by the aboundance of freshe river$ 
the saltnes of tlie sea is mittigated, and not else where, fof 
all yse in general beeing dissolved is very fresh water, sq 
that by the experience of all that have ever travelled 
towardes the North it is well knowne that the sea nevew 
fryseth, but wee know that the sea dissolveth this yse with 
great speede, for in twentie foure houres I have seen an 
ylande of yse turne up and dowue, as the common phrase is, 
because it hath melted so fast, under water that the heavier 

* Glaciers. 

• Here Davis is iuclined to exaggorato ; no hills are known in Green- 
land over 7000 feet high, whereas the Peak of Teueriffe is 12,370 ! 


parte hath beene upwarde^ which hath beene the cause of 
his so turning, for the heviest part of all things swiming 
is by nature downwards, and therefore sith the sea is by his 
heate of power to dissolve yse, it is greatly against reason 
that the same should be frozen, so that the congealation of 
the seas can bee no hindrance to the execution of this 
passage, contrary to the former objection, by late experience 
reprooved, yet if experience wanted in ordinary reason men 
should not suppose nature to bee monstrous, for if all such 
yse and snowe as congealeth and descendeth in the winter 
did not by natures benefit dissolve in the sommer, but that 
the cold were more actual then the heate, that difference of 
inequalitie bee it never so little would by time bread 
natures overthrowe, for if the one thousand parte of the 
yse which in winter is congealed, did the next summer 
remayne undissolved, that continual difference sithins the 
worldes creation would not onely have converted all those 
North Seas into yse, but would also by continuall accesse of 
snowe have extended himselfe above all the ayers regions, 
by which reason all such exalations as should be drawn 
from the earth and seas within the temperate zones and by 
windes driven into these stiffe regions, that moysture was 
no more to bee hoped for that by dissolution it should have 
any returne, so that by time the world should be left 
waterlesse. And therefore how ridiculous this imagination 
of the seas frysing is, I refer to the worlds generall 

That the ayre in colde reyions 18 tollerahle. 

And now for a full answere of all objections, if the ayre bee 
proved tollerable then this most excellent and commodious 
passage is without al contradiction to be perfourmed. And 
that the ayre is tollerable as well in the winter as in the Som- 

' Davis mu»t have seen the pan-cake ice forming on the surface of the 


mer is thus prooved. The inhabitantes of Muscovia, Lapland 
Swethland,^ Norway and Tartaria orait not to travel for their 
commodity : in the deepest of winter, passing by sleades 
over the yse and congealed snowe being made very slipperie 
and compact like yse by reason of much wearing and trad- 
ing, having the use of a kind of stag, by them called Reen,^ 
to drawe those their sleades. 

Groynland (by me lately named Desolation) is likewise 
inhabited by a people of good stature and tractable condi- 
tions; it also mayntayneth divers kinde of foules and beastes 
which I have their scene, but know not their names, and 
these must travell for their food in winter, and therefore the 
ay re is not intollerable in the extremest nature of coldnes : 
and for the quality thereof in Sommor, by my owne expe- 
rience I knowe that upon the shore it is as hot there as it 
is at the ylls of cape de Verde, in which place there is such 
abundance of moskeetes (a kind of gnat that is in India 
very offensive and in great quantitie), as that we were stung 
with them like lepers, not beeing able to have quiet, being 
upon the shore. 

And under the clyfe, in the pooles unto which the streames 
aryse not, I have found salt in great plenty as whyte as the 
salt of Mayo,^ congeled from the salt water which the spryng 
tyds bring into those poles, which could not be but by the 
benefit of a noble heat, of which salt I brought with me and 
gave to master Secretory Walsingham and to master San- 
derson, as a rare thing to be found in those parts, and 
farther, the same was of an extraordinary saltnes. And 
therefore it is an idle dreame that the ayre should there be 
insufferable, for ourselves have with the water of those seas 
made salt, because we desired to know whether the benefit 
of the sunne were the cause of this cogulatiou, what better 
confirmation, then, can there be then this. 

' Sweden. * Reindeer. 

* One of the Cape <le Verds. See note 3, p. I'oS. 


Island^ is likewise inhabited and yeldeth haukes in great 
store^ as falcons^ Jerfalcons, lanardes^ and sparrow haukes^ 
ravens, crowes, beares, hares and foxes, with horses and 
other kinde of cattell, upon which coast, in August and Sep- 
tember, the yce is utterly dissolved, all which the premises 
are certainly verified by such as trade thither from Lubec, 
Hambro, Amsterdam and England yerely ; then why should 
wee dread this fayned distemperature : from cold regions 
come our most costly furres, as sables beeing esteemed for a 
principall ornament, and the beastes that yeld us those 
furrs are chiefely hunted in the winter ; how grievous then 
shall we thinke the winter to be, or howe insufferable the 
ayre, where this little tender beast liveth so well, and 
where the hunters may search the dennes and hauntes of 
such beastes through the woods and snow. 

Upsaliensis affirmith that he hath felt the Sommer nights 
in Gotland scarcely tollerable for heate, whereas in Some 
hee hath felt them cold. 

The mountaynes of Norway and Swethland are fruitefuU 
of metalls in which silver and copper are concoct and molten 
in veines, which may scarcely bee done with fornaces, by 
which reason also the vapors and hot exhalations pearcing the 
earth and the waters, and through both those natures breath- 
ing forth into the ayre, temperoth the quantitie thereof, 
making it tollerable, as wyttnes the huge bignes of whales in 
those seas, with the strength of body and long life of such 
beastes as live on the laud, which thing could not bee except 
all thinges were there comodiously nourished, by the benefit 
of the heaven and the ayre, for nothing that in time of 
increase is hiudred by any injury, or that is evill seed all 
the time it liveth, can prosper well. 

Also it is a thing undoubtedly knowne by experience, 
that upon the coastes of newfoundland (as such as the yse 
remayneth undissolved upon those shores), the wind being 

' Iceland. » Lanar, or lanarde, was a kind of hawk. 


esterly comming from the seas, causeth very sharpe colde, 
and yet the same is sufferable, but comming from the shore, 
yt presently yeldeth heate aboundantly according to the true 
natare of the scituation of the place, whereby it plainely 
appeareth that the very breth of the yse is rather the cause 
of this cold, then the distemporeture of the ayre. 

Wherefore if in winter where is aboundance of yse and 
snowe, the ayre is so sufferable as that traveling and hunt- 
ing may be exercised, how much rather may wee judge the 
seas to be Navigable, and that in the deepest of winter, 
where there is neither yse nor snow that may yeld any 
such damps or cold breathings, to the anoiance of such as 
shall take these interprises in hand. And therefore the 
Sommer in no sort to be feared, but some curious witt may 
object that the naturall anoyance of cold is prevented by 
reason of the travell of the body with other artificial! pro- 
visions to defend the fury thereof, as also the whot vapours 
which the earth may yeld, whereof experience urgeth con- 
fession, but upon the seas it cannot be, sith it is a cold body 
subject to yeld great dampes and cold brethinges most 
offensive to nature. To the which I answere in the uni- 
versal! knowledge of all creatures, that God the most 
glorious, incomprehensible, and ever being, sole creatour of 
all thinges visible, invisible, rational!, irrational!, moment- 
ory and eternall in his divine providence, hath made nothing 
uncommunicable, but hath given such order unto all things 
whereby everything may be toUerable to the next, the ex- 
tremities of elements consent with their next, the ayre is 
grosse about the earth and water, but thinn and hot about 
the fyre ; by this providence in nature the sea is very salt, 
and salt (sayth Plinie) yeldeth the fatness of oyle, but oyle 
by a certayne native heate is of propertie agreeable to fire, 
then being all of such qualitie by reason of the saltnes 
thereof, moveth and stirreth up generative heat, &c. 
Whereby the sea hath a working force in the dissolution of 


yse, for things of so great contrariety as heate and cold 
have togeather no affinitye in conjunction^ bat the one 
must of necessity avoyde^ the seas not being able by the 
bandes of nature to step backe^ doth therefore cause the 
coldnesse of the ay re (by reason of his natural I heate) to 
give place, whereby extremities being avoyded, the air 
must of necessitie remayne temperate, for in nature the 
ayre is hote and moyst, the colde then being but acci- 
dental! is the soner avoided, and natures wrongs with ease 

That under the Pole is the place of greatest dijnilie. 

Reason teacheth us and experience confirmeth the same, 
that the Sun is the onely sufficient cause of heat through 
the whole world, and therefore in such places where the 
Sunne hath longest continuance, the ayre there receiveth 
the greatest impression of heat, as also in his absence it is 
in like sort afflicted with colde. And as the heate in all 
clymates is indurable, by the eternal ordinance of the cre- 
ator, so likewise the cold is sufferable by his everlasting 
decree, for otherwise nature should bee monstrous, and his 
creation wast, as it hath beene ydly affirmed by the most 
Gosmographicall writers, distinguishing the sphere into 
five zones, have concluded three of them to be wast, as 
vaynely created, the burning Zone betweene the two tro- 
pikes, and the two frozen zones, but experience having 
reprooved the grosenes of that errour it shall be needlesse to 
say farther therein. For although in the burning zone the 
sun beames are at such right angles as that by the actuall 
reverberation thereof, the lower region of the ayre is greatly 
by that reflection warmed, yet his equall absence breadeth 
such mitigation as that there we find the ayre tollerable, and 
the countries pleasant and fruitefuU, beeing populus and 
well inhabited : so likewise under the pole being the center 
of the supposed frozen zone, daring the time that the Sunne 


is in the South signes, which is from the thirteenth of Septem- 
ber unto the 10 of March, it is there more cold then in any 
place of the world, because the Sonne in all that time doth 
never appeare above the Horyzon ; but during the time that 
the Sunne is in the North signes, which is from the tenth of 
March unto the thirteenth of September, he is in continuall 
view to all such as posses that place, by which his continuall 
presence he worketh that notable effect, as that therby all the 
force of frysing is wholy redressed and utterly taken away, 
working then and there more actuall then in any other part 
of the world. In which place their continuall day, from the / 
Sunne rising to the sunne setting, is equall to twenty sixe 
weekes and five days, after our rate : and their night is 
equall with twenty five weekes and three days such as we 
have, so that our whole yeere is with them but one night 
and one day, a wonderfull difference from al the rest of the! 
world, and, therefore, no doubt but those people have al 
wonderfull excellencie and an exceeding prerogative above 
all nations of the earth and this which is more to be noted. 
In all other places of the world the absence and presence of 
the Sun is in equall proportion of time, having as much 
night as day, but under the Pole their artificiall day (that is 
the continuall presence of the Sunne before he sett) is nine 
of our naturall dayes, or two hundredth 16 houres longer 
then is there night, whereby it appeareth that they have the 
life, light, and comfort of nature in a higher measure then 
all the nations of the earth. How blessed then may we 
thinke this nation to be : for they are in perpetuall light, 
and never knowe what darkenesse meaneth, by the benefit I 
of twy light and full moones, as the learned in Astronomie doe 
very well knowe, which people if they have the notice of their 
eternitie by the comfortable light of the Gospel, then are 
they blessed and of all nations most blessed. Why then doe 
we neglect the search of this excellent discovery, agaynst 
which there can be nothing sayd to hinder the same ? Why ) 


doe we refuse to see the dignity of Gods Creation, sith 
it hath pleased his divine Majestie to place us the nerest 
neighbor thereunto ? I know ther is no true Englishman 
that can in conscience refuse to be a contributor to procure 
this so great a happines to his countrey, whereby not onely 
the Prince and mightie men of the land shall be highly re- 
nowned, but also the Merchant, tradesman, and artificer 
mightily inriched. 

And now as touching the last objection that the want of 
skill in Navigation with curious instrumentes should be the 
hinderance or overthrow of this action. I holde that to bee 
so frivolous as not worth the answering, for it is wel knowne 
that we have globes in the most excellent perfection of arte, 
and have the use of them in as exquisite sort as master 
Robert Hues in his book of the globes use, lately published, 
hath at large made knowne, and for Horizontall paradox and 
great circle sayling I am myselfe a witnesse in the behalfe 
! of many that we are not ignorant of them, as lately I have 
1 made knowne in a briefe treatis of Navigation naming it the 
Seamans Secreats. And therfore this, as the rest breadeth 
no hinderance to this most commodious discovery. 

What benefits would growe u7ito Englande by this passage 

being discovered? 

The benefits which may grow by this discovery are copious, 
\J and of two sorts — a benefit spirituall and a benefit corporall. 
Both which sith by the lawes of God and nature we are 
bound to regard, yet principally we are admonished first to 
seeke the Kingdome of God and the righteousnes thereof, 
and all thinges shall be given unto us. 

And therfore in seeking the Kingdome of God we are 
not onely tied to the depe search of Gods sacred word and 
to live within the perfect lymits of Christianity, but also by 
al meanes we are bound to multiply and increase the flocke 
of the faithfull. Which by this discovery will be most 


aboundantly perfourraed to the preservation of many thou- 
sands which now most miserably are covered under the 
lothsome vayle of ignorance, neither can we in any sort 
doubt of their recovery by this passage discovered, Gods 
providence therein being considered who most mercifully 
sayeth by the mouth of his prophet Esaias 66, 1 will come to 
gather all people and tongues, then shall they come and see 
my glory, of them that shall be saved. I will send some to 
the Gentils in the sea and the yls far of, that have not heard 
speak of me, and have not sene my glory, shall preach my 
peace among the Gentiles.^ 

And in his 65 Chapter he farther sayeth. They seeke me 
that hitherto have not asked for me ; they find me that 
hitherto have not sought me.^ 

And againe, Chapter 49, 1 will make waies upon al my 
mountains and my footpathes shall be exalted, and behold 
these shall come from farre; some from the North and West> 
some from the land of Symis, which is in the South.® Then 
silh it is so appointed that there shal be one shepheard and 
one flocke, what hindreth us of England (being by Gods 
mercy for the same purpose at this present most aptly pre- 
pared) not to attempt that which God himselfe hath ap- 
pointed to be performed, there is no doubt but that wee of 
England are this saved people by the eternal and infallible 
presence of the Lord, predestinated to be sent unto these 
Gentiles in the sea, to those ylls and famous kingdomes, ther 
to preach the peace of the Lorde, for are not we onely set 
upon Mount Sion to give light to all the rest of the world ? 
Have not we the true hand may d of the Lord to rule us, unto 
whom the eternall majestic of God hath reveled his truth 
and supreme power of excellencye ? By whom then shall the 
truth be preached, but by them unto whom the truth shall 

* Isaiah Ixvi, v. If^, 19. Davis is quoting from memory, and from the 
Bible of 1541. 
« Isaiah Ixv, v. 1. ' Isaiah xlix, v. 11, 12. 



be reveled ? It is onely we. therefore, that must be these 
shining messengers of the Lord, and none but we, for as the 
prophet sayth, O how beautiful! are the feet of the messenger 
that bringeth the message from the mountain, that pro- 
clameth peace, that bringeth the good tidings and preacheth 
health and sayth to Sion thy God is King,^ so that hereby 
the spirituall benefit arising by this discovery is most ap- 
parant, for which, if there were no other cause, wee are all 
bound to labour with purse and minde for the discovery of 
this notable passage. And nowe as touching the corporall 
and worldly benefits which will thereby arise, our owne late 
experience leadeth us to the full knowledge thereof, as by 
the communitie of trade groweth the mightines of riches, so 
by the kinde and guide of such tradinges may grow the 
multiplication of such benefits, with assurance how the same 
may in the best sort be continued. In the consideration 
whereof, it is first to bee regarded with what commodities 
our owne country aboundeth, either naturall or artificiall, 
what quantity may be spared, and wher the same may with 
the easiest rate be gained, and how in his best nature unto 
us returned, all which by this passage shall be unto us 
most plentifully effected, and not onely that, but this also 
which is most to be regarded, that in our thus trading wee 
shall by no meanes inrich the next adjoyning states unto us, 
for riches breed dread, and povertie increaseth feare. 

But here I cease fering to offend, yet it is a question whether 
it were better by an easy rate to vent our commodities far 
of, or by a more plentiful! gayne to passe them to our neerer 
neighbours, and those therby more inriched then our selves. 
The premises considered wee finde our country to abound 
with well, and wollen cloth, with lead, tin, copper, and yron, 
matters of great moment, wee also knowe our soyle to be 

> Isaiah Hi, v. 7. Davis quotes from the translation of 1541, except 
that he has "messenger" instead of "ambassador". The modern version 
has " him", and is diflferently worded. 


fertill, and would, if trad did so permit, have equal imploi- 
ment with any of our neighbours, in linnen cloth, fustians, 
seys,^ grograms,* or any other forraine artificiall commodities, 
besides the excellent labours of the artsmen, either in me- 
tallyne mechanicall faculties, or other artificiall ornaments, 
whereof India is well knowne to recieve all that Europe can 
afford, rating our commodities in the highest esteem e of 
valewe, which by this passage is speedily perfourmed, and 
then none of these should lie dead upon our handes as now 
they doe, neither should wee bee then ignorant as now we 
are in many excellent practises into which by trade wee 
shoulde bee drawne. 

And by the same passage in this ample vent, we should 
also, at the first hand, receive all Indian commodities, 
both naturall and artificiall, in a far greter measure, by 
an easier rate, and in better condition then nowe they 
are by many exchaunges brought unto us. Then would all 
nations of Europe repayre unto England, not only for 
these forraine merchandizes by reason of their plenty, per- 
fection, and easy rates, but also to passe away that which 
God in nature hath bestowed upon them and their countrie^ 
whereby her majestic and her highnes successors for ever, 
should be monarks of the earth and com maunders of the 
Seas, through the aboundance of trade her customes would 
bee mightily augmented, her state highly inriched, and her 
force of shipping greatly advanced, as that thereby shee 
should be to all nations most dredful, and we, her subjects, 
through imploiment, should imbrace aboundance and be 
clothed with plenty. 

The glory whereof would be a deadly horrer to her adver- 

1 Say^ fine woollen stuff manufactured, in those days, at Sudbury and 

* Grogram^ from the French Gros-grain, coarse grain or coarsely 
woven. Grogram was stuff made of silk and mohair, thicker and coarser 
than ordinary taffeta. 



saries, increase friendly love with al, and procure her 
majestie stately and perpetuall peace, for it is no small ad- 
vantage that ariseth to a state by the mightines of trade : 
being by necessity linked to no other nation^ the same also 
beeing in commodities of the highest esteeme^ as gold^ silver^ 
stones of price^ jnels^ pearls^ spice, drugs, silkes raw and 
wrought, velvetts, cloth of gold, besides many other com- 
modities with us of rare and high esteem e, whereof as yet 
our countrie is by nature deprived, al which India doth yeld 
at reasonable rates in great aboundance, receiving ours in 
the highest esteem e, so that hereby plenty retourning by 
trade abroade, and no smale quantitie provided by industry 
at home, all want then banished in the aboundance of her 
majesties royalty, so through dred in glory, peace, and love, 
her majestie should be the commaunding light of the world 
and we, her subjects, the stars of wonder to al nations of the 

Al which the premises considered it is impossible that any 
true English hart should be staied from willing contribution 
to the performance of this so excellent a discovery, the Lords 
and subjectes spirituall for the sole publication of Gods 
glorious gospell. And the Lords and subjectes temporal, 
for the renowne of their prince and glory of their nation, 
should be ther unto most vehemently affected. 

Which, when it shall so please God in the mightines of his 
mercy, I beseech him to effect. Amen. 






Deuided into z.partesjwhereinis tauelit die 

great circle ; aUbanHorizontallT^ Tiii1iktlhett£cS^tatt<t 
ted tor thtSnduig of the Dedrutfoa of tbeSmm fliiBUl^ 

mtbmufin filjMlA 

Newly coirededbf die author MnDa&o^&tiimb^ 

acae' milmmii ,iaAtCoaaie<iCDmr. Qae, 

iy fmprintedat London Ij Thomas Daw/en, 
dh^dling n ccic t hcthrec Cranes in the Vlavxce, 

admAirrttitfilih, xioj 

To the right honourable Lord Charles Haward, 

Barou of Effingham ; Kiiiglit of the noble order of the Garter ; 

LicutcQant of her Maieaties Counties of SuBnex and Stirrej ; 

Constable of her Maiestiee Honor and Castle of Windsor ; 

Lord High Admiral! of England, Ireland, and WnleB, 

and of the Duniiuions and Isles of the same, of the 

towno of Callis and marches thereof, Normandy, 

Oaseony,-aiid Greynes ; Captaine generall of her 

Maiesties Seas and Naiiie royall, and one of 

her Maicsties moat hononil>le privie Conn- 

sell, John DauiB wisbeth increase of 

houonr and perfect felicitie. 

IGHT Honourable and my 
especial good Lord, as by 
the instinct of nature all mea 
3 desirous of understanding, 
so it is likewise ingraSed by 
the same benefite of nature, 
in the hearts of true nobi- 
litie, not only to excell the 
vulgare sort, but also to 
cherish, support, and countenance all sncli as shall in 
due course prosecute their vocation : and as such prac- 
tises either speculative or mechanicall shall receive fa- 
uourable place in the honourable opinion of nobilitie, by 
so much the more shall the practiser bee esteemed : which is 
the cauiie that at this time imboldeneth me to present vnto 
your most honourable fauour this small treatise of N^aviga- 
tion, being a breefe collection of such practises as in my 
seuerall voyages I have from experience collected. Among 
which in three seuerall attempts for the discouerie of the 


Northwest passage, thereby to finde a short and Nauigable 
coarse vnto the rich and famous Countries of Cathayo^ 
China, Pegu, the Isles of Molucan and Phillipina, that thereby 
to the great and inestimable benefite of our country, there 
might be a rich and plentifuU trade procured betweene vs 
and the sayd nations in short time to be performed, and 
with great saftie in regarde of the course : which action and 
discouery (by^meanes of that honourable Counsellor Sir 
Fraunces Walsingham Knight, principall Secretary to her 
Maiestie) was with good resolution accepted by the Mer- 
chants of London, but in the decay of his honourable life,^ 
the attempt was likewise quaild : but howsoeuer mens mindes 
alter, yet vndoubtedly, there is a passage nauigable, and 
easie to be performed by that course (whensoeuer it shall 
please God to reueale the same) by inuincible reasons, and 
sufficient experience to be proued ; and although before I 
entred into that discouery, I was sufficiently perswaded of 
the certainty thereof, by historical relation substantially 
confirmed where to the aduenturers I made sufficient proofe, 
but especially to my worshipfull good friend Maister William 
Sanderson,^ the onely Merchant that to his great charges 
with most constant trauaile did labour for the finishing 
thereof : yet I thanke God that of late it hath bin my very 
good chance to receive better assurance then euer before of 
the certaintie of that passage, and such was my vehement 
desire for the performance thereof, that thereby I was onely 
induced to goe with M. Candish in his second attempt for 
the South Sea, vpon his constant promise vnto me, that 
when wee came back to the Callifornia, I should haue his 
Pinnace with my owne Barck* (which for that purpose went 
with me to my great charges) to search that Northwest dis- 
couery vpon the backe partes of America, but God hath 

* Sir Francis Walsingham died on April 6th, 1590. 

« See Introduction. 

» The Delighty portly owned by Adrian Gilbert. 


otherwise disposed onr purposes in his diuine Judgements^ 
for M. Candish being halfe way through the straights of 
Magilane^ and impatient of the tempestious furiousness of 
that place^ having all his Shippes and compauy with him^ 
returned for Brasilia by the authoritie of his comaund^ when 
with a leading wind we might have passed the same^ and 
returning more than 80 leagues towarde Brasill, myselfe 
being in his Ship named the Desire^ without Boate^ Oares, 
Sayles, Cables, cordage, victuals or health of my company 
sufficient for that attempt was seperated in a freit of 
weather, and forced to seeke the next shore for my releefe, 
and recouering a harborow by vs named Port Desire,^ being 
in the lati. of 48 deg. did there repaire my most miserable 
wantes, and there staying 4 moneths in most lamentable 
distress, did againe conclude with my company to give 
another attempt to passe the straights, as my beste meane 
to gaine releefe. And three times I was in the South Seas, 
but still by furious weather forced back againe : yet not- 
withstanding all this my labor to perfourme the voyage to 
his profite, and to saue myself (for I did aduenture and my 
good freinds for my sake 1100 pounds in the action) 
M. Candishe was content to account me to be the authour 
of his ouerthrow, and to write with his dying hand that I 
ranne frome him, when that his own Shippe was returned 
many moneths before me. 

I am bolde to make this relation vnto your Lordship, 
onely to satisfie your Honor of my conuersation, for were I 
faultie of so foule a crime, I were worthy of ten thousand 
torments, in presuming to present this Treatise to your 
honourable Lordship and now referring my cause to your 
Lordships consideration, I will againe returne to my purpose. 

In those Northwest voyages where Nauigation must be 
executed in most exquisite sort, in those attempts I was 

> So named by CaTendish daring his voyage of circumnavigation, on 
December 3rd, 1586, when he was on board this same vessel, the Desire. 

234 THE seaman's secrets. 

enforced to search al possible meanes required in sayling by 
which occasion I have gathered together this breefe treatise, 
which with myself I do dedicate to your honourable protec- 
tion, being desirous if it lay in my power, to doe farre 
g(r) eater matters in your Lordship seruice, hoping of your 
honourable pardon, because it is only done to shew my duti- 
full affection, and not for any singularitie that the worke 
containeth. For I think there be many hundreds in England 
that can in a farre greater measure and more excellent 
methode expresse the noble art of Nauigation, and I am 
fully perswaded that our Countrie is not inferiour to any for 
men of rare knowledge, singular explication, and exquisite 
execution of Artes Mathematicke, for what Strangers may 
he copared with M. Thomas Digges^ Esquire, our Country- 
man the great Archmastric, and for Theoricall specula- 
tions to most cunning calculation, M. Dee^ and M. Thomas 

> Thomas Digges was the son of Leonard Digges, mathematician and 
surveyor, by Sarah (or Bridget?), eister of Sir Thomas Wilford of 
Hartridge. He was born at Wotton, between Canterbury and Dover, 
which place he sold on the death of his father. He was at Oxford, and 
was afterwards appointed by the Earl of Leicester to be Muster Master 
General for the Queen^s forces in the Low Countries, where he did most 
valuable service. He was a profound mathematician. In 1573 he pub- 
lished Alie she scalx Mathcmaticse. In 1679 appeared his Arithmetical 
Military Trcatiite^ containing as much arithmetic as is necessary towards 
military discipline, and also a geometrical treatise called Stratisticos, de- 
dicated to Leicester. In 1592 was published his Perfect Description of 
the Celestial Orhs, according to the most ancient doctrine of Pythagoras, and 
in 1599 he wrote EnglamVs Defence : a treatise concerning invasion, which 
waslToTpublished until 1686. He left unpublished at his death treatises 
on the art of navigation, on naval architecture, and on artillery, lliomas 
Digges married Agnes, daughter of Sir William St. Leger, by Ursula, 
daughter of George Nevill, Lord Abergavenny, and had two sons. Sir 
Dudley Digges, the diplomatist, and Leonard. He died on the 24th of 
August, iSSSj-i^ London, and was buried in the church of St. Mary, 

» Dr. Dee was born on July 13, 1537, and died in 1607. He was an 
eminent mathematician and astrologer, and a great promoter of Davis's 
first voyage of discovery towards the north-west He lived at Mort- 
lake, where he was visited and consulted by the Queen, and many great 


Heriotts^ are hardly to be matched : and for the mechanicall 
practises drawn from the Artes of Mathematicke^ our Country 
doth yeelde men of principal excellencie, as M. Emery Mulle- 
neux^ for the exquisite making of Globes bodies^ and M. 
Nicholas Hellyar^ for the singularitie of portraiture haue the 
prayse of Europe^ M. Baker^ for his skill and surpassing 

people. The passages in his memoirs in which he mentions PaviB are 
quoted in the Introduction. 

1 Thomas Herriot was bom at Oxford in 1560, and died in London 
on July 2, 1621. He went with Sir Walter Raleigh to Virginia in 1588, 
and published on his return A Brief and True Report of the new-found 
Land of Virginia. It is given in Halcluyt, He was afterwards patronised 
by the Earl of Northuml)erland, and attended him faithfully during his 
long captivity in the Tower. Herriot made great improvements in 
algebra, and corresponded with Kepler. He died of a dreadful ulcer on 
his lip, brought on by his habit of holding instruments with verdigrease 
on them in his mouth. ' See Introduction. 

> Nicholas Ililliard was a Devonshire man, and probably well known 
to Davis. He was born at Exeter in 1547, and was first brought up as 
a goldsmith. He, however, became an eminent painter and engraver, 
studying the works of Holbein. He painted portraits of Mary Queen of 
Scots,|Queen Elizabeth, and James I. Dr. Donne, in his poem on the storm 
encountered by the Earl of Essex, on his voyage to the Azores, wrote ; — v^ 

** A hand and eye 
By Ililliard drawn, is worth a historye 
By a ^orse painter made.^* 

Hilliard engraved portraits of James I and his family, and employed 
Simon Fasse on the same work. He died on January 7th, 1619, aged 
seventy-two, and was buried in the Church of St. Martin's-in-the- 
Fields, in which pariah he resided. 

* Matthew Baker was one of the Queen^s ship-builders, certainly as 
early as 1575. In 1579 Peter Pett and Matthew Baker signed an agree- 
ment for keeping the Queen's ships in repair. In 1583 Pett and Baker 
drew up plans for the improvement of Dover Harbour, which were 
adopted. The same two ship-builders made a report on the state of the 
Navy in October 1587 ; and Baker proposed to build four ships on the 
model of the Revenge in 1588. In 1591 Her Majesty^s shipwTights were 
Matthew Baker, Richard Chapman, Joseph Pett, and John Adye. 

In April 1604 Baker had retired, for there is the grant in reversion 
to Phineas Pett, after Matthew Baker and Joseph Pett, of a pension of 
12d. a day. But the Petts were more famous as ship-builders than 
Baker. Peter Pett, the younger, died in 1652, and his son. Sir Phineas 
Pett, lived until 1686. 

236 TBE seaman's secrets. 

grounded knowledge for the bnilding of Ships advantagcable 
to all purpose^ hath not in any nation his equall. 

And now that I may returne to the painefnll Seaman, it is 
not vnknown to all nations of the earth, that the English 
goeth before al others in the practises of sayling, as ap- 
peareth by the excellent discouery of Sir Fraunces Drake in 
his passage through the straights of Magilane, which being 
then so rawly knowne, he could not have passed, vnlesse he 
had beene a man of great practise and rare resolution : so 
much I boldly say, because I haue scene and tested the 
frowardness of the place, with the great vnlikelyhoode of 
any passage to be that way. 

I might here repeat the most valient and excellent at- 
tempts of Sir Hugh Willoughbie, Sir John Hawkins, Sir 
Humphry Gilbert,^ and your Lordships servant M. George 
Raymond,^ with diners other that haue given most resolute 
attempts in the practises of Nauigation, as well for the dis- 
couery as other execution, whereby good proofe is made, 
that not onely in the skill of Nauigation, but also in the 
mecanicall execution of the practises of sayling, wee are 
not to be matched by any nation of the earth. 

And sith Nauigation is the meane whereby Gountryes are 
discouered, and communitie drawne betweene nation and 
nation, the worde of God published to the blessed recouery 
of the forraine ofcastes from whence it hath pleased his 
diuine Maiestie as yet to detayne the biightnes of his 
glorie : and that by Nauigation commonweales through 
mutuall trade are not only susteined, but mightely enriched, 
with how great esteeme ought the painefuU Seaman to be 
embraced by whose hard aduentures such excellent bene- 
fites are atcheiued, for by his exceeding great hazzards the 

^ See Introduction, for an account of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 

' George Raymond was a distinguished sea captain. He is mentioned 
by Sir Richard Hawkins in his Observations (p. 110). He commanded 
the Penelope in the first English voyage to the East Indies in 1591, and 
was lost off the Cape of Good Hope. 


forme of the earth, the quantities of Countries, the diuersitie 
of nations and the natures of Zones, Climats, Countries and 
people, are apparently made known vnto vs. Besides, the 
great benefites mutually interchanged betweene nations, of 
such fruits, commodities, and artificial! practises wherewith 
God hath blessed each particular country, coast and nation^ 
according to the nature and situation of the place. 

For what hath made the Spaniard to be so great a 
Monarch, tho Commander of both Indias, to abound in 
wealth and all natures benefites, but only the painefull in- 
dustrie of his Subiects by Nauigation. Their former trade 
was only figs, orenges, and oyle, but now through Nauiga- 
tion is brought to bo golde siluer pearles, silkes, and spice, 
by long and painefull trade recouered. Which great bene- 
fites onely by her Maiesties louing clemencie and merciful 
fauour he doth possesse : for if her highnes and her most 
honourable Lordes would not regard the small distance 
betweene her dominions and those famous rich Kingdomes, 
the easines of the passage being once discouered (the North- 
west I mean) with the full suflBcience of her highnes Subiects 
to effect the same, there could then be no doubt, but her 
stately seate of London should bee the storehouse of Europe, 
and a nursse to all nations, in yeelding al Indian comodities 
in a far better condition, and at a more easie rnte then now 
brought unto vs, exchanging commodities of our owne store, 
with a plentifuU retume at the first hand, which now by 
many exchanges are brought vnto vs. 

Then should the Spaniard againe retume to bis old trade, 
and our sacred Soueraigne bo seated the Commaunder of 
tho earth : which trade and most fortunate discouery, we 
aboue all nations ought most principally to regard, because 
of the singularitie and inuincible force of our Shipping, 
which is not only the commaunding fortresse of our Country, 
but also the dread of our aduersary, and glory of our nation : 
wherein we doe in no sort flatter our selues for it was made- 


apparent to all nations of the earthy by the late most famous 
Conquest that her Malestie had against the huge supposed 
inuincible fleete of the Spaniard, being by her nauie vnder 
the comand of your Lordship who there in person and in 
place of her Maiestie, to your eternal glorious fame did dis- 
grace their glory and confound their force^ and manifest 
their weakness by dastardly flight, through God's prouidence 
and your Lordships stately resolution. 

Then sith Nauigation is a matter of so great moment, I 
suppose that euery man is bound in duty to giue his best 
furtherance thereunto : among whom as the most vnmeete 
of all, yet wishing all good to the painefuU trauiller, I haue 
published this short treatise, naming it the Scamans Secrets, 
because by certaine questions demaunded and answered, I 
haue not omitted any thingo that appertaineth to the secret 
of Nauigation, whereby if there may grow any increase of 
knowledge or ease in practise, it is the thing which I cheifly 

To manifest the necessary conclusions of Nauigation in 

breefe and shorte termes is my only intent, and therefore I 

omit to declare the causes of tearmes and diffinition of arti- 

ficiall wordes, as matter superfluous to my purpose, neither 

haue I laid downe the cunning conclusions apt for Schollars 

to practise vpon the shore, but onely those things that are 

needfully required in a sufficient Seaman : beseeching your 

honourable Lordship to pardon my bolnesse, and with your 

fauourable countenance to regard my dutifull afiection, I 

most humbly commit your good Lordship to the mercies of 

God, who long preserve your health with continuall increase 

of honour. 

From Sandrudge by Darthmouth the 20, 

of August. 1594. 

Tour Lordships in all dutifull service 

to command, 

John Davis. 



What IS Nauigation ? 

Nauiqation is that excellent Art which demonstrateth by 
infallible conclusion how a suflBcient Ship may bee conducted 
the shortest good way from place to place by Corse and 

Wliat are these Infallible Conclasioiis ? 

Navigation consisteth of three partes, which, being well 
vnderstood and practised, are conclusions infallible, whereby 
the skilful Pilote is void of all doubt to effect the thing 
purposed, of which the first is the Horizontall Nauigation,* 
which manifesteth all the varieties of the Ship's motion 
within the Horizontall plaine superficies, where euery line 
drawne is supposed a parallel. 

The second is a paradoxall^ or Cosmographicall Nauiga- 
tion, which demonstrateth the true motion of the Ship vpon 
any course assigned in longitude, latitude, and distace^ 
either particular or general, and is the skilful gathering 
together of many Horizontall Corses into one infallible and 
true motion paradoxall. 

The third is great Circle Nauigation,^ which teacheth how 

1 This is what we call plane sailing. 

' Paradoxall sailing evidently means sailing on the spiral a 'ship would 
describe if she continued sailing round the world on any course except 
east and west, or north and south ; and might be defined as globular 

' It thus appears that Great Circle sailing was well known to Davis. 

240 TBE seaman's secrets. 

vpon a great Circle drawne betweene any two places assignde 
(being the onely shortest way betweene place and place) 
the Ship may bee conducted, and is performed by the skilful! 
application of Horizontall and paradoxal! Navigation. 

What is a Corse ? 

^ A Corse is th at paradoxal! li ne which passeth betweene 
place and place, according to the true Horizontall position of 
the Magnet, vpon which line the Ship, prosecuting her 
motion, shall be conducted betweene the sayd places. 

What is a Trauers ? 

A Trauers is the varietie or alteration of the Shippes 
motion vpon the shift of windes, within any Horizontall 
plaine superficies, by the good collection of which Trauerses 
the Ship's vniforme motion or Corse is given. 

WHiat Instruments are necessary for the execution of this 

excellent skill? 

The Instruments necessarie for a skilfuU Seaman are a 
Sea Com passe, a Crosse staffe, a Quadrant, an Astrolobe, 
a Chart, an instrument magneticall,^ for the finding of the 
^ variation of the Com passe, an Horizontall plaine Sphere, a 
i Globe, and a paradoxal! Compasse,* by which instruments all 
conclusions and infallible demonstrations, Hidrographicall, 
Geographical!, and Cosmographical! -are without controle- 
ment of errour to be performed ; but the Sea Compasse, 
Chart, and Crosse staffe are instruments sufficient for the 
seaman^s vse, the Astrolabie and Quadrant being instru- 
ments very vncertaine for Sea observations. 

^ The inBtrument magnetical must have been an azimuth com- 

' The paradoxal! compass must have been some instrument showing 
how the line of the course cuts the several meridians, these meridians 
/ being drawn upon their proper inclination. 



What is the Sea Compasse ? 

The Sea Compasse is a principall instrument in Nauiga- 
tion, representing and distinguishing the Horizon, so that 
the Compasse may conveniently be named an Artificial 
Horizon, because by it are manifested al the limits and dis- 
tinctions of the Horizon required to the perfect vse of 
Nauigation, which distinctions are the 32 points of the 
Compasse, whereby the Horizon is deuided into 32 equall 
partes, and euery of those points hath his proper name, as 
in the figure following appeareth. Also euery point of the 
compasse doth containe degrees, minuts, seconds, and thirds, 
etc. Which degrees are called degrees of Azumuth, whereof 
there are in euery point 11^, so that the whole Compasse 
or Horizon containeth 360 degrees of Azumuth, for if you 
multiply llj degrees, the degrees that ech {sic) point con- 
taineth, by 32, the points of the Compasse, it yeeldeth 360 
degrees of the Compasse. And of minutes each point con- 
taineth 45,^ being i of an hower, so that the whole Compasse 
is hereby deuided into 24 bowers, by which accompt there 
are in an hower 15 degrees, so that euery degree contayneth 
4 minutes of time for an hower consisting of 60 minutes, 
hath for his fifteenth part 4 minutes of time, and in every 
minute their (sic) is 60 seconds, and euery second con- 
tayneth 60 thirds, either in degrees applyed to time or 
degrees applied to measure, so that the generall content of 
the Compasse is 32 points, 360 degrees, and 24 howers, 
with their minutes, seconds, and thirds. 

What is the vse of the 32 points of the Compasse ? 

The vse of the 32 pointes of the Compasse is to direct the 
skilful Pilote by Horizontall trauers how hee may conclude 
the corse or paradoxall motion of his ship, thereby with the 
greater expedition to recover the place desired, because 

» Of time. 



242 THB seaman's secrets. 

they deuide the Horizon into sucli limits as are most apt 
for Nauigation. They doe also distinguish the windes by 
their proper names, for the winde receiueth his name by 
that parte of the Horizon from whence it bloweth. 

What 18 the vse of S60 degrees of Azumuth ? 

By the degrees of Azimuth is knowne the quantitie of the 
rising and setting of the Sunne, Moone. and Starres, whereby 
is knowne the length of the dayes and nightes in all climates, 
and at all times they also show a most precise Horizontall 
distinction of the motion of the Snnne, Moone, and Starres, 
whereby the certainty of time is measured, and the variation 
of the Com passe, with the Pole's height, is ingeniously 
knowne at all times, and in all places by the helpe of the 

How 18 the hower of the day Jcjioivne by the Oompasse ? 

It hath beene an ancient custom among Mariners to 
deuide the Copasse into 24 equall partes or howers, by 
which they have vsed to distinguish time, supposing an East 
Sunne to be 6 of the clocke, a South-east Sunne 9 of the 
clocke, and a South Sunne 12 of the clocke, etc., as in the 
figure following shall plainely appeare. But this account is 
very absurd, for with vs in England (the Sunne having his 
greatest North declination) it is somewhat past 7 of the 
clocke at an East Sunne, and at a Southeast Sunne it is past 
10 of the clocke : also when the Sunne is in the Equinoctiall 
the Sunne is halfe the day East and halfe the day West to 
all those that bee vnder the same, so that the Sunne then 
and to those people vseth but 2 points of the Compasse to 
performe the motion of 12 howers : therefore the distinc- 
tions of time may not wel be given by the Compasse vnlesse 
the Sunne be vpon the Meridian, or that you be farre toward 
the North, in such places where the Sunne's Horizontal 
V motion is very oblique, for there the hower may be given 



by the Compasse without any great errour, hut elsewhere 
it cannot. Therefore those that trauail mast either vse the 
Globe or an Equinoctiall dJall, by whom time may be moat 
certainly meaanred, if ther be good consideration of the 
variation of the needle by which the Equinoctiall diall is 
directed, for this is a generall thing to be regarded, as well 

in the Compasse as in any dials or other instruments, or 
conclusion whatsoeuer wherein the vse of the needle is 
required ; that vnlease there be good regard vnto the varia- 
tion of the same there can no good conclusion follow of 
any such practises. 

244 THE seaman's secrets. 

What is the next necesaarie thing to be learned ? 
Hauing perfectly learned the compasse, the next neces- 
sarie thing for a Seaman to know is the alteration or shift- 
ing of tydes, that thereby he may with the greater safetie 
bring his Ship into any barred Port, Hauen, Creeke, or 
other place where tydes are to be regarded. And this 
difference of tydes in the alteration of flowing and reflowing 
is by long experience found to be gouemed by the moone 
motion, for in such proportion of time as the Moone doth 
seperate herselfe from the Sunne by the swiftnes of her 
natnrall motion : in the like proportion of time doth one 
tide differ from another, therefore to vnderstand this differ- 
ence of the Moone's motion is the onely meane whereby the 
time of tydes is most precisely knowne. 

Of the Moone* 8 motion. 

You must vnderstand the Moone hath two kinde of 
motions, a naturall motion and a violent motion. Her 
violent motion is from the East toward the West, caused by 
the violent swiftnes of the diurnal motion of primam mobile, 
in which motion the Moone is carried about the earth in 24 
howers, and 50 minuts nerest one day with another, for 
although the diurnall period of the first mouer be performed 
in 24 howers, yet because the Moone every day in her slow- 
est naturall motion moueth 12 degrees, therefore she is not 
carried about the earth vntill that her motion be also caried 
about, which is in 24 howers and 50 minutes neerest. 

Her naturall motion is from the West towards the East, 
contrary to the motion of the first raoover, wherin the 
Moone hath 3 differces of moouing a swift motion, a meane 
motion, and a slow motion, all which is performed by the 
diuine ordinance of the Creator in 27 dayes and 8 howers 
neerest, through all the degrees of the Zodiac. 

Her slowe motion is in the point of Auge or apogee, 
being then farthest distant from the earth, and then she 



moueth in euery day 12 degrees. Her swift motion is in the 
opposite of auge or perigee, being then nerest vnto the earth, 
at which time she mooueth 14 degrees, with some small 
difference of minutes in euery 24 howers. 

Betweene those two points is her meane motion and then 
she moueth 13 degrees nerest : all which differences are 
caused by the excentricity of her Orbe wherein she moueth, 
and are onely performed in the Zodiac, but the Seamen for 
their better ease in the knowledge of tides, haue applyed 
this the Moones motion to the points, degrees, and minutes 
of the Compasse, wherby they haue framed it to be an 
Horizontal motion which sith by long practise is found to 
bee a rule of such certaintie, as that the errour thereof 
bringeth no danger to the expert Seaman, therefore it is not 
amisse to followe their practised precepts therein. 

In euery 29 daies 12 howers 44 minutes, one with another 
through the yeere, the Sunne and Moone are in coniunc- 
tion, and therefore that is the quantitie of time betweene 
change and change, for although the Moone in 27 daies and 
8 howers performing her naturall motion, doth returne to 
the same minute of the Zodiac from whence she departed, 
yet being so returned shoe doth not finde the Sunne in that 
part of the Ecliptick where she left him, for the Sunne in his 
naturall motion mouing euery day one degree towards the 
East, is moued so far from the place where the Moone left 
him, as that the Moone cannot ouertake the Sunne to come 
in coniunction with him, vntil she haue performed the 
motion of 21 daies 4 howers, and 44 minutes neerest, more 
then her natural reuolution, and that is the cause wherfore 
there are 29 daies, 12 howers, 44 minutes betweene change 
and change one with another through the whole yere : but 
the Seaman accompteth the Moones motion to be vniforme 
in all places of the Zodiac alike, limitting her generall seper- 
ation from the Sunne to be such as is her slowest natural 
motion, which is 12 degrees or 48 minutes of time, in euery 

246 THE seaman's secrets. 

24 bowers^ by which accompt there are 30 dayes reckoned 
betweene change and change^ being 11 howers 16 minutes 
more then in trath there is ; bnt because this difference 
breedeth but smal errour in their accompt of tides, ther- 
fore to alter practised rules where there is no vrgent cause 
were a matter friuolous, which considered^ I think it not 
amisse that we proceed therein by the same methode that 
commonly is exercised. 

Allowing the Moone in euery 24 howers to depart from 
the Sunne 12 degrees^ or 48 minutes of time^ and in this 
seperation the Moone mooueth from the Sunne Eastwards^ 
vntill she be at the ful^ for betweene the change and the 
full it is called the Moone's seperation from the Sunne^ in 
which time of application she is to the Westward of the 
SunnCj as in her separation she is to the Eastward, or I 
may say in the Seaman's phrase^ all the time of her applica- 
tion she is before the Sunne^ and in the time of her separa- 
tion she is abaft the Sunne. 

Then if the Moone doe mooue 48 minutes of time in 24 
howers it followeth that she doth moue 24 minutes in 12 
howers, and in 6 howers she moueth 12 minutes, therefore 
euery hower she moueth 2 minuts, and such as is the 
difference of her motion such is the alteration of tides, and 
therefore euery tide differeth from the other 12 minutes, 
because there is 6 howers betweene tide and tide, and in 
euery hower the course of flowing or reflowing altereth 2 
minutes, whereby it appeareth that in 24 howers the foui*e 
tides of flowing and reflowing doe differ 48 minutes of time. 

And sith the whole knowledge of this difference or altera- 
tion of tides, as also the quantitie of the Moone's separation 
and application to and from the Sunne dependeth ypon the 
knowledge of the Moone's age, it is therefore necessarie 
that you leame how the Sunne may be knowne. 

For the performance whereof there are two numbers espe- 
cially required, named the Prime and the Epact, for by the 


prime the epact is found, and by helpe of the Epact the 
Moones age is knowne. 

Of the Prime ar Oolden number. 

The Prime is. the space of 19 yeres, in which time the 
moone performoth al the varieties of her motion with the 
Sunne^ and at the end of 19 yeres beginneth the same re- 
nolution againe^ therefore the Prime neuer exceedeth the 
number of 19, and this prime doth alwayes begin in January, 
and thus the prime is found : vnto the yeere of the Lord 
wherein you desire to know the prime adde 1, then deuide 
that number by 19, and the remaining nuber, which com- 
meth not into the quotient, is the prime. Example in the 
yeere of our Lord 1590. I desire to know the prime, there- 
fore I adde 1 vnto that yeere, and then it is 1591, which I 
deuide by 19, and it yeeldeth in the quotient 83; and there 
remaineth 14 vpon the diuision, which commeth not into 
the quotient, which 14 is the prime in the yeere of our 

Lord 1590. 

1 1 

1590 4 
1 774 

1591 (83 

1591 199 


The Epact is a number proceeding from the overplus 
of the solar and lunar yeere, which number neuer exceedeth 
30, because the Moone^s age neuer exceedeth 30, for the 
finding whereof this number onely serueth : and thus the 
Epact is knowne, which Epact doth alwaies begin in March. 
Multiplie the prime by 11 (beeing the neerest difference 
between the solar and lunar yeere), deuide the product by 

There must be a misprint here. The sum should be — 

19) 1591 (83 





30, nnd the remainder is the Epact. Example in the yeere 
of our Lord 1590. I would know the Epact. First I seeke 
the prime of that yeere, and finde it to be H. I therefore 
multiply 14 by II, and that yeeldeth 154, which, being 
deuidcd by 30, it giveth in the quotient 5, and there re- 
maineth 4 vpon the diuision, which 4 is the Epact in the 
yeere 1590, which, beginning in March, doth continue vntill 
the next March of the yeere 1591. 



Of ihe solar and lunar yeere. 

The solar yeere or the Snns yeere consiateth of 12 

moneths, being S65 daies, and about 6 hewers, the lunar 

yeere or the Moonos yeere containeth 12 Moone3,and euery 

Moono hath 29 daiea, 12 bowers, 44 minutes neerest, which 


amount vnto 354 dayes, 5 howers, 28 minutes, the content 
of the lunar yeere, which being subtracted from 265 dayes 
6 howers, there resteth 11 dayes and 32 minutes, the diflTer- 
ence betweene the sayd yeeres, from which diflTerence the 
Epact commeth. 

By this Table the prime and Epact may for euer be found, 
for when the yeeres be expired you may begin againe, and 
continue it for euer at your pleasure. 

The first circle contayneth the yeeres of our Lord, the 
second the prime, and the third and inner circle sheweth 
the Epact : vnder euery yeere you shall finde his prime 
and Epact, the prime beginneth in Jannarie, and the Epact 
in March. 

How to find out the Moones age. 

First consider the day of the moneth wherein you seeke 
the Moones age, then note how many moneths there are 
betweene the sayde moneth and March, including both JJj?^'*™' 
moneths, vnto those numbers adde the Epact of that yeere, "w^®*^- 
that is, you must adde into the summe the day of the 
moneth betweene March and your moneth, reckoning both 
moneths and the Epact, all which numbers ioyened together, 
if they exceede not 30, is the Moones age ; if they be more 
then 30 cast away 30 as often as you can, and the remainder 
is the Moones age ; if it be iust 30 it is then new Moone ; 
if 7, it is the first quarter day ; if 15, it is full Moone ; if 
22, it is then the last quarter day, and thus the Moones age 
is found for euer. 

And now being able for all times, either past, present, or 
to come, to giue the Moones age, I think it good by a few 
questions couement^ for the Seamans practice to make you 
ynderstand the necessary vse thereof. 

For the account of Tydes. 

When you desire to know the tyme of full Sea in any 
place at all such seasons as occasion shall require, you must 

* Convenient? 


first leame what Moone maketh a fall Sea in the same place, 
that is, vpon what point of the Compasse the Moone is 
when it is full Sea at the said place ; you must also know 
what hower is appropriated to that point of the compasse, 
as before is shewed : for vpon the change day it will alwaies 
be full Sea in that place at the same instant of time, by 
which considerations yon must thus proceed for the search 
of tydes. 

Mnltiplie the Moones age by 4, deaide the product by 5, 
and to the quotient adde the hower, which maketh full Sea 
in that place vpon the change day, if it exceede 12 cast 
away 12 as oft as you may, and then the hower of full Sea 
remaineth, and for euery 1 that resteth vpon your diuision, 
allow 12 min. to be added to the howers, for 2, 24 minuts, 
for 3.36, and for 4, 48 minuts, for more then 4 will never re- 
maine, and thus you may know your tides to a minute. 
Example, the Moone being twelue daies olde, I desire to 
know the time of full Sea at London : first, it is found by 
experience, that a Southwest and Northeast Moone makes 
full sea at London, next, I consider that 3 of the clocke is 
the houre appropriated to that point of the compasse, 
which number I keepe in memory, then I multiplie the 
Moones age, being 12, by 4, and that yeeldeth 48, which 
being deuided by 5 it giueth in the quotient 9, aod three 
remayneth, I adde the quotient 9 to the hower 3 and it 
maketh 12 howers, and for the remaining number 3 I also 
adde 36 minutes, so that I find when the Moone is 12 dayes 
old, it is 12 of the clocke, and 36 minutes past, at the 
instant of full sea at London : by this order you may at all 
places and times know the certainty of your tides at your 
pleasure. But those that are not practised in Arithme- 
tick may account these tides in this sorte, knowing how 
many dayes old the Moone is, he must place the Moone 
vpon that point of the compasse which maketh full Sea at 
the place desired, and then reckoning from that point with 

FIRST BOOr. 251 

the snnne, according to the diurnal motion, must accompt so 
many points, and so many times 3 minuts as the Moon is 
daies old, that is for euery day one point and 3 minutes^ 
and there finding the Sun, he must consider what is the 
hower allowed to that point where he findeth the Sunne^ 
for that is the hower of full Sea. As, for example, the 
Moone being 12 daies old, I desire to know the hower of 
full Sea at London, nowe finding by former experience, that 
a Southwest Moone maketh full Sea at London, I therefore 
place the Moone upon the point Southwest, then I accompt 
from the point southwest 12 points, reckoning with the 
Sunne according to the diumall motion. Southwest and by 
west for the first point. West Southwest for the second. 
West by South for the third. West for the fourth point, 
and so forth, vntill I come to Norths which is 12 points 
from Southwest, and because the Moone moueth 3 minutes 
more than a point in euery day, I therefore adde three times 
twelue, which make 36 minutes to the point North, at 
which place I finde the Sunne to be, and knowing that 
twelue of the clocke is appropriated to the point North, I 
may therefore boldly say that at twelue of the clocke, 26 
minutes past, it is full Sea at London, when the Moone is 
twelue dayes olde, which 36 minutes are added, because 
the Moone hath moued 36 minutes more than twelue points 
in those 12 daies, which is one point and 3 minutes for 
euery day as before. 

Heere folio weth a very necessary Instrument for the 
Knowledge of the Tydes, named an Horizontall tyde 

Of this Instrument and his parts. 

This necessary instrument for the yong practising sea- 
mans use, named an Horizontall tyde Table, whereby he 
may shift his Sun and Moone (as they terme it), and know 

1 Diagram wantiog in British Museum copy of Seaman's Secrets, 

252 THE seaman's secrets. 

the time of his tides with ease and very certaiDely, besides 
the answering of many pleasant and necessary qnestios 
used amongst Mariners. I hane contrined into this methode, 
only for the benefit of such yong practisers in Nauigation. 

The first part of this instrument is a Sea Compasse, 
denided into 32 points or equall partes^ the innermost circle 
of which Compasse is deaided into 24 howers, and euery of 
those into 4 quarters^ each quarter being 15 minutes, and 
against euery point of the Compasse those places are layde 
downe, in which places it is full Sea when the Moone com- 
meth upon the same point, so that whatsoeuer is required 
as touching time, or the points of the Compasse is there to 
be knowne. 

The next moueable circle upon this Compasse is limited 
to the Sunne, upon whose index the sunne is layd downe, 
which circle is deuided into 30 equall parts or daies, signifying 
the 30 daies between change and change : according to the 
Seamans accompt, so that whatsoeuer is demaunded as touch- 
ing the age of the Moone, is upon that circle to be knowne. 

The vppermost moueable circle is applied to the Moone, 
upon whose index the Moone is laid downe, which is to be 
placed either to the points and partes of the Compasse, or 
to the time of her age, as the question requireth, which 
considered, the vse of this instrument is largely manifested 
by these questions with their answers following. 

How to know the hower of the night by the Moone, being vpon 
any point of the Compasse by the Instrument 

1. — Q. The Moone 10 daies olde, I demaunde what it is 
a clocke, when she is East Northeast ? 

1. — A. In this question the Moones age and the point of 
the Compasse is giuen, therby to know the hower. I ther- 
fore place the index of the Moone vpon the point East North- 
east, there keeping the same not to be mooued, then because 
the Moone is 10 dayes olde I moue the index of the 


Sunne vntill I bring the tenth day of the moones age vnto 
the index of the moone, and there I looke by the Index of 
the Sunne^ and find upon the Gompasse that it is twelae 
of the clocke at noone^ and 30 minutes past when the 
moone is upon the point East Northeast^ being 10 dayes 

2. — Q. The Moone being twelue dayes olde, I demaund at 
what hower she will be vpon the point S.S.E. ? 

2. — A. In this question the point of the compasse and 
Moones age is giuen, as in the first, therfore I place 
the index of the Moone vpo the point S.S.B., and 
there holding it without mouing, I turne the index of the 
Sunne, vntill the twelfth day of the Moones age come to 
the index of the Moone, and then the index of the Sunne 
sheweth me vpon the Horizon the hower S, therfore I say 
that at 8 of the clocke at night the Moone was then vpon 
the point South Southwest. 

A.nd thus you may at al times know the hower of the 
night by the Moon, vpon any point of the Compasse, so 
that the ^Moones age be also had. 

How hy this Instrument, you may know at all times vpon 
what point of the Compasse the Moone is, 

1. — Q. When the Moone is 10 daies olde, vpon what pointe 
of the Compasse shall she be, at 9 of the clocke in the 

1. — A. In this question the howre of the day and the 
Moones age is giuen, thereby to find vpon what point of 
the Compasse she is at the same time. I therefore place 
the Index of the Sunne vpon the Compasse, at the hower 9 
of the clocke in the morning, being upon the point South- 
east, then I turne the index of the Moone, vntil I bring it 
to the tenth day of her age, and then I see vpon the Com- 
passe that the Moone is North and by East, and 15 min. to 
the Eastwards, at 9 of the clocke when she is 10 daies 

254 THi seaman's sicbsts. 

2. — Q. When the Moone is 20 dayes old, vpon what point 
of the compasse will she be at 2 of the clocke in the afber- 

noone f 

2. — A. I place the Index of the Sun vpon the hower 2 
noted in the compasse, there holding the same without 
mouing, then I tume the Index of the Moone, vntil I bring 
it vnto the 20 day of her age, and there I see vpon the 
compasse that she is Northeast and by North, and 13 
minutes to the Northward, at 2 of the clocke in the afber- 
noone, when she is 20 daies old. 

To find the Moones age hy this Instrument, 

1. — Q. When the Moone is North^ at 7 of the clocke in 
the forenoone, how old is shee 7 

1. — ^A. In this question the point of the Compasse and 
the hower is giuen for the finding of the Moones age ; there- 
fore I set the Index of the Sunne vpon the hower 7 in the 
forenoone, there holding it without mouing ; then I briug 
the Index of the Moone to the Point North and then vpon 
the circle containing the daies of the Moones age, I see 
the Moone is 8 daies and about 18 howers old, when she is 
North at 7 of the clock in the forenoone. 

2. — Q. When the Sunne is East and the Moone South 
West, how olde is the Moone f 

2. — A. In this question the points of the Compasse are 
onely giuen for the finding of the Moones age, therefore I 
set the Index of the Sunne vpon the point East, there 
holding him steadie, the I put the Index of the Moone 
vpon the point South West, and there I see that the Moone 
is 18 daies and 18 howers old, when the Sunne is East and 
she Southwest. 

After this order by the varietie of these few questions, 

you may frame vnto your selfe many other pleasant and 

necessary questions, which are very easily answered by this 

Instrument ; and entring into the reasons of their answeres, 

* The moon was seen by Dayis on this bearing during his Arctic yoyages. 


you may very readily,, by a little practise, be able by 
memory to answere all such questions with ease. 

How to Tcnow the time of your tides by this Instrument. 

1. — Q. When the Moone is 12 dayes olde, I desire to 
know the time of full sea at London ? 

1. — A. To answer this question, I first looke through all 
the pointes of the compasse of my instrument, vntill I finde 
where London is written, for when the Moone commeth 
vpon that point of the Compasse, it will then be full sea at 
London ; therefore I place the index of the Moone vpon 
the same point, which I find to be Southwest or Northeast, 
there holding the Index not to be moued, then I tume the 
Index of the Sunne vntill I bring the twelfth of the Sunne 
sheweth me that at 12 of the clocke 36 minutes past, it is 
full sea at London the Moone being 12 daies olde. 

2. — Q. The Moone being 21 dayes olde, at what time is 
it full Sea at Dartmouth ? 

2. — A. I finde vpon my instrument that Dartmouth is 
noted vpon the points East and West, whereby I know 
that when the Moone is East or West it is alwayes full 
sea at Dartmouth; therefore, I place the Index of the 
Moone vpon the point East, and there holding it without 
mouing, I tume the Index of the Sonne, vntill I bring the 
21 day of the Moones age vnto the Index of the Moone, 
and then the Index of the Sunne sheweth me vpon the 
Compasse, that at 10 of the clocke and 43 minutes past, it 
is full sea at Dartmouth, when the Moone is 21 dayes olde, 
and not onely at Dartmouth, but my instrument sheweth 
me that at the same instant it is also full Sea at Exmouth, 
Weymouth, Plymouth, Mountsbay, at Lynne, and at Hum- 
ber ; and thus with great facilitie the time of flowings and 
reflowings is most precisely knowne. 

And now that there may be a finall ende of the vses and 

* This is quite correct. Time of high water is nearly fdmultaneous at 
these places. 



effectes of the Copaese, it is coDueiiieat that I maka known 
vnto yon, how many leagues shal be sailed vpon enery 
perticular poyDt of the CompussBj for the raising or laying 
of the degrees of latitude, and in the distance sayhng how 
farre yon shall be seporated from the Meridian from whence 
the 8aide conrees are begun, for as euery point of the com- 
paase hath his certaine hmited distance for the degrees of 
the Poles elenation, so do they likewise lead from longituds 
to longitude, enery point according to his ratable limits, 
which distances of leagues are without alteratio keeping 
one and the same proportio, in euery perticular Horizon of 
any latitude, but the degrees of longitude answerable to 
snch distances, doe differ in euery altitude, according to the 
nature of the parallel, as hereafter ehalbe more plainly 
manifested And now know, that in sayling North and 
South, yon depart not from your meridian, and in euery 
20 leagues and sayling yon raise a degree : Nor. and by 
east raiseth a degree in sayling 20 leagues and one mile, 
and leadeth from the Meridian 4 leagues : Nor. noreast 

raiseth a degree in sayling 21 leagues and two miles, leadeth 
from the Meridian 8 leagues and one mile: Noreast by 
north raiseth a degree in sayling 24 leagues, and leadeth 
from the Meridian 13 leagues and a mile : Noreast raiseth 
a degree in sailing 28 leagues and 1 mile, and leadeth 
from the Meridian 20 leagues ; Noreast by east raiseth a 


degree in sailing 36 leagues and 2 mile : East and by 
north raiseth a degree in sailing 102 leagues and a mile, 
and leadeth from the Meridian 100 leagues and 2 mile : 
East and West doe not raise or lay the Pole^ but keepeth 
still in the same parallel ; the like allowance is to be giuon 
to euery quarter of the Compasse, as is laide downe vpon 
this Northeast quarter. 

Leagues seperatedfrom the Meridian in raising a degree, 

Q. I perceiue that degrees are to great purpose in Naui- 
gation — What is a degree ? 

An. It is most true that degrees are of very great 
imploiment in Nauigation, and a degree is the 360 part of 
a circle, how big or little soeuer the circle be, being applied 
after 6 seuerall sortes, for the better perfections of the prac- 
tises Gubernautick, so that there be degrees of longitude, 
degrees of latitude, degrees of azumuth, degrees of alti- 
tude, degrees applied to measure, and degrees applied to 

A degree of longitude is the 360 part of the Equinoctiall. 

A degree of latitude is the 360 part of the Meridian. 

A degree of Azumuth is the 360 part of the Compasse or 

A degree of altitude is the 90 part of the verticall circle, 
or the 90 parte of the distance betweene the Zenith and 
the Horizon. 

Euery degree applied to measure doth containe 60 
minutes, and euery minute 60 seconds, and every second 60 
thirds, &c., and euery degree of a great circle so applied, 
c5taineth 20 leagues, which is 60 mile so that euery minute 
standeth for a mile in the accompt of measures, and a mile 
is limited to be 1000 paces, every pace Sue foote, euery 
foote 10 inches,^ and euery inch 3 barly comes dry and 

* These must be misprints. The nautical mUe is about 6,080 feet; 
therefore the above paoes should be 6 feet, which is impossible. 


258 THE seaman's secrets. 

ronnd^ after our English accompt, which for the use of 
Nauigation is the onely test of all other ; so by these rates 
of measure you may prooue that a degree is 20 leagues or 
60 miles ; a minute is a mile or 5000 feete ; a second is 
88| feete; and a third is 16| inches; and thus much of 
degrees and their partes applied to measure. 

Of degrees applied to time, there are 1 5 contained in euery 
hower, so that every degree of time standeth in the accompt 
of time for 4 minutes, for an hower consisting of 60 minutes 
of time, hath for his fifteenth part 4 minutes, so that a degree 
being the fifteenth part of an hower, containeth 4 minutes 
of time, so that 15 degrees or 60 minutes make an hower, 
24 howers make a natural day, and 365 daies 6 howers are 
contained in a yeere, and thus much as touching time, 
and degrees applied to time. 

What 18 the vae of degrees ? 

The vse of degrees is to measure distances between place 
and place, to find altitudes, latitudes, and longitudes, to 
describe countries, to distinguish courses, to find the varia- 
tion of the Compasse, to measure time, to find the places 
and motions of all celestiall bodies, as the Sunne, Moone, 
Planets and Starres ; to conclude, by degrees haue beene 
perfourmed all mathematicall obseruations whatsoeuer, 
whose vse is infinite. 

Wliat is the Pole's altitude, and how it may he knowne? 

Altitude is the distance, height, or mounting of one thing 
above another, so that the altitude of the pole is the 
distance, height, or mounting of the Pole fro the horizon, 
and is defined to be that portion of the Meridian which is 
contained betweene the Pole and the Horizon, which alti- 
tude or eleuatio is to be found either by the Sunne or by 
the fixed Starres with the helpe of your Crosse staffe, 
Quadrant, or Astrolabie, but the crosse sta£fe is the onely 
best instrument for the Seamans vse. 


And in the obseruation of this altitude there are 5 things 
especially to be regarded, the first is, that you know your 
meridional distance between your Zenith and the Sunne 
or Starres, which by your Crosse Staffe or Astrolabie is 
giuen ; the second, that the declination be truely knowne 
at the time of your obseruation. And the other three are 
that you consider whether your Zenith be betweene the 
equinoctial] and the Sunne or starres, or whether the 
Equinoctiall be betweene your Zenith and them, or whether 
they be betweene your Zenith and the Equator/ for there 
is a seuerall order of working vpon each of these three 

Latitude you must also know, that so much as the pole 
is aboue the Horizon so much is the Zenith from the Equi- 
noctial, and this distance between the Zenith and the 
Equator is called latitude or widenesse, and is that portion 
of the Meridian which is included betweene your Zenith 
and the Equator, for it is a generall rule for euer that so 
much as the Pole is aboue the Horizon, so much the Zenith 
is from the Equinoctiall, so that in this sence altitude and 
latitude is all one thing, the one hauing relation to that part 
of the Meridian contained betweene the Pole and the 
Horizon, and the other to that parte of the Meridian which 
is contained betweene the Zenith and the Equinoctiall. 

You must further vnderstand that betweene the Zenith 
and Horizon it is a quarter of a great circle, contayning 
90 degrees, so that, knowing ho we much the sunne or any 
Starre is from the Horizon, if you take that distance from 
90, the remainder is the distance betweene the said body 
and the zenith. As for example, if the Sunne be 40 deg. 
37 minutes from the Horizon, I subs tract 40 deg. 37 
min. from 90, and there remaineth 49 deg. 23 min., which 
is the distance betweene my Zenith and the Sunne; and 
those instruments that begin the account of their degrees 
■ Equator and cquiDOctiall of course mean the same things. 


260 THE seaman's secrets. 

at the Zenith, concluding 90 in the Horizon^ are of most 
ease of the finding of the latitude by the Sunne or fixed 
Starres, because they giue the distance betweene the Zenith 
and the body obserued without further trouble, and that is 
the number which you must haue, and for which you do 
search in your obseruation : al which things considered, you 
must in this sort proceede for the finding of the Poles 
height or altitude. 

By the Sun or fixed Stars being betweene your Zenith and the 
Equinoctial the latitude is thus found j in what part of 
the world soever you be. 

First place the Crosse staffe to your eye in such good sorte 
as that there may grow no errour by the disorderly vsing 
thereof, for unlesse the Center of your staffe and the center 
of your sight doe ioyne together in your obseruation it will 
be erronious whatsoever you conclude thereby : your staffe 
so ordered, then moue the transuersary vpon your staffe 
to and fro as occasion requireth, vntil at one and the same 
instant you may see by the vpper edg of your transuer- 
sary half the body of the Sunne or Stars, and that the lower 
edge or end thdreof do likewise touch the Horizon at that 
place where it seemeth that the Skie and seas are ioyned, 
hauing especiall regarde in this your obseruation that you 
hold the transuersary as directly vpright as possibly you 
may ; and you must begin this obseruatio somewhat before 
the Sunne or Starres be at Souths and continue the same so 
long as you perceiue that they rise, for when they are at 
the highest then are they vpon the Meridian, and then you 
haue the meridionall altitude which you seeke, at which 
time they will be due south from you, if your Compasse be 
good and without variation ;^ and then doth the transuersary 
shew vpon the staffe the degrees and minuts that the sayd 

' This idea of Davis, of cheddng the compass at noon, might be 
followed with advantage in these days of iron ships. 


body is from your Zenith, if ye degrees of your instrument 
be numbered from the Zenith toward the Horizon ; or else 
it sheweth ye distance betweene the said body and the 
Horizon, if the degrees of your instrument be numbred 
from the Horizon, concluding 90 in the Zenith as com- 
monly crosse staues are marked, which is not the easiest 
way; but if your staffe be accompted from the Horizon 
then subtract the degrees of your obseruation from 90, and 
the remainder sheweth the distance betweene your Zenith 
and the Sunne or Stars, which is the number you must 
know : vnto that number so known by your instrument 
adde the declination of the body, by which you do obserue 
whether it be the Sun or any star, and that which com- 
raeth by the addition of those 2 numbers together is the 
pole's height, or the latitude of the place wherein you are : 
as for example, in the yeere of our Lord 1593, the third day 
of March, the Sunne being then betweene my Zenith and 
the Equinoctiall, I obserued the Sunne's Meridionall alti- 
tude from the Horizon to be 72 deg. and 20 min. ; but 
because I must knowe the distance of the Sun from my 
Zenith, I therefore substract 72 deg. 20 min. from 90 deg. 
and there remaineth 1 7 deg. 40 min., the distance of the 
Sun from my Zenith : to that distance I adde the Suns de- 
clination for that day, which by my Eegiment I finde to 
be 3 degrees of South declination, and it amounteth vnto 
20 deg. 40 min., so much is the South pole aboue the 
Horizon, and so much is my Zenith south from the Equi- 
noctiall, because the Sun hauing South declination, and 
being betweene me and the Equinoctiall, therefore of neces- 
sitie the Antartick pole must be aboue my Horizon. 

89.«60— the distance betweene 17— 10— the Suns dist. frO the Zen. 

the Zenith and the Horizon 3—00 — Sunncs declination. 

72— 20— the Sunnes altitude. 

20— 40— Poles height. 

262 THE seaman's secrets. 

WJien the Equinoctiall is betweene your Zenith ajid the Sun 
ar Starves the altitude is thus found in all places. 

Bj your instrument^ as before is taught, you must seeke 
the meridional distance of the Sun or Starres from your 
Zenith^ which, being knowne^ substract the declination of 
the Sun or Stars from the said distance^ and the remaining 
number is the poles height or latitude which you seek. 
Example : The 20th of October, 1593, I find by my in- 
strument that the Sun is 60 deg. 45 min. from my Zenith 
at noone, being then vpon the meridian, the Equator being 
then betweene my Zenith and the Sun, I also find by my 
Regiment that at that time the Sun had 13 deg. 47 min. of 
South declination, because the Equinoctiall is betweene me 
and the Sun, therefore I substract the suns declination from 
the obserued distance, and there resteth 46 deg. 58 min., 
the latitude desired ; and because the Sun hath south de- 
clination, and the Equinoctiall being betweene me and the 
Sun, therefore I may conclude that the pole Artick is 46 deg. 
58 min. aboue my Horizon, or that my Zenith is so much 
toward the North from the Equator. 

G. M. 

60 — 45 — the Sunnes distance. 
13 — 47 — the declination. 

46— 58— the latitude. 

Whmi your Zenith is betweene the Sunne or Stars and the 
Equinoctiall, the Latitude is thus found. 

By your instrument, as in the first example is shewed, 
you must obserue ye Meridianall distance of the Sunne or 
Starres from your Zenith ; you must also, by your Regiment 
or other tables, search to know the declination of that 
body which you obserue, then substract the obserued 
distance from your Zenith out of the declinatio, and the 
remaining number is the latitude desired. Example: The 



Sun hauing 20 deg. of North declination, and being vpon 
the Meridian is 5 deg. 9 min. from my Zenith, I therefore 
substract 5 deg. 9 min. from 20 deg., and there resteth 14 
deg. 51 min. the latitude desired; and because the Sun 
hath North declination, my Zenith being betweene the 
Sun and the Equinoctiall, therefore I conclude that the 
North pole is 14 deg. 51 min. aboue my Horizon. 

o. M. 

19 — 60 — the declinatioD, 
5 — 9 — the SunB distance from my Zeiiith. 

14— 51— the Poles height. 

How shall I kaotv the true order of placinj the Crosse Staffe 
to mine eye, to auoyde errour in my ohseruatimi ? 

To finde the true placing of the staffe at your eye, there- 
by to amend the parallar of false shadow of your sight, do 
thus : take a staffe hauing two crosses, a long crosse, which 
endeth in 30 degrees, and a short crosse which beginneth 
at 30 deg. where the long crosse endeth, put the long 
crosse vpon his 30 deg., and there make him fast; then 
put the short crosse likewise vpon his 30 deg., there fasten 
him without mouing; then set the ende of your staffe to 

264 THE skaiian's secrets. 

your eye, mouing it from place to place about your eye, 
vntill at one instant you may see the ends of both crosses, 
which when you finde, remember that place and the 
standing of your body, for so must your staflfe be placed, 
and your body ordered in all your obseruations. 

Are these all the rules that appertaine to the findiivg of the 

Poles height ? 

Those that trauell farre towards the north vnder whose 
Horizon the Sunne setteth not, shall some time haue 
occasion to seeke the latitude by the Sunne when the 
Sunne is north from them, the pole being then between the 
Sunne and their Zenith. When such obseruations are 
made, you must by your instrument seeke the Suns height 
from the Horizon, substract that height from his declination, 
and the remaining number sheweth how far the Equinoctiall 
is vnder the Horizon vpon the point north, for so much is 
the opposite part of the Equator aboue the Horizon vpon 
the point South, subtract that Meridionall latitude of the 
Equinnoctiall from 90, and the remaining number is the 
poles height desired. Example: The Sunne hauing 22 
degrees of North declination, his altitude from the horizon 
is obserued to be 3 degrees 15 minutes, therefore sub- 
tracting 3 deg. 15 min. from 22 degrees, there resteth 
18 deg. 45 min., which is the distance of the Equinoctiall 
from the horizon, which beying taken from 90, there 
resteth 71 deg. 15 min. the poles eleuation desired. 

Q. M. o. M. 

21 — 60 — the Suns declinations, 89—60 — yedist.betweenZcn.&Hor. 

3 — 15 — the Sunnes altitude, 18—45 — altitude of the Equator. 

18 — 45— the altitude of the equi- 

noctiall. 71 — 15 — the altitude of the pole. 

But you must know that the declination found in your 
Regiment is not the declination which in this case you 


mast vse; for the regiment sheweth ye Sans declination 
vpon the Meridian or South point, in the place for whose 
Meridian the same was calculated, and not otherwise : there- 
fore it is necessary to know the Suns declination at al 
times, and vpon euery point of the Compasse ; for I haue 
beene constrayned in my northwest uoiages, beying within 
the frozen zone^ to search the latitude by the Sun^ at such 
times as I could see the sun^ vpon what point of the Com- 
passe soeuer, by reason of the great fogges and mistes that 
those Northern partes are subiect vnto ; and there is con- 
sideration also to be had vpon euery difference of longitude 
for ye Sunnes declination^ as I haue by my experience found 
at my being in the Straights of Magilane, where I haue 
found the suns declination to differ fro' my regiment calcu- 
lated for London, by so much as the Sunne declineth in 
5 howers, for so much is the difference betweene the 
Meridian of London and the Meridian of Cape froward^ 
being in the midst of the said straights. 

How may this declination be found for all times, and vpon 

all points of the Oompasse ? 

First consider whether the Sun be comming towards the 
Equinoctiall, or going fro him ; that being known, consider 
the time wherein you seeke the declination, then looke for 
the Sunnes declination in your regiment for that day, and 
also seeke his declination for the next day, substract the 
lesser out of the greater, and the remainder is the whole 
declination which the Sunne declineth in 24 howers, or in 
his mouing through al the points of the Compas, from 
which number you may by the rule of proportion find his 
declination vpon every point of the copas, or for euery 
houre of the day, as by these examples may appeare. Ex- 
ample : In the yeere 1593 the 20 of March, I desire to 
know the Suns declination when he is vpon the North 
part of the Meridian of London, I seeke the Suns de- 


clination for that day^ and find it to be 3 deg. 41 
iDi[n]. the Sunne then going from the Equator, I also 
search his decHnation for the next day, being the 21 of 
March, and find it to be 4 deg. 3 min. I then substract 
3 deg. 41 min. from 4 de[g]. 3 min. and there resteth 22 
min., so much the Sun doth decline in 24 howers, or in 
going through all the points of the Compasse. Then, I say, 
by the rule of proportion, if 24 howers giue 22 min. of de- 
clination what will 12 howers giue, &c. I multiplie and 
deuide, and find it to be 11 min. the Sunnes declinatio in 
12 howers motion, to be added to the declination of the 20 
day, being the Sunes going from the Equator, or for 
the points of the Compasse, I may say, if 32 points giue 
22 min. of declination what will 16 points giue, which is the 
distance betweene South and North. I multiply and deuide 
as the rule of proportion requireth, and find the 16 points 
giue 11 min. the Suns declination, in mouing through 16 
points of the Compasse, which is to be added to the de- 
clination of the 20 day, because the Sun goeth from the 
Equator, for I conclude the declination to be 3 deg. 52 
min., the Sun being North the 20 of March. 







HO. M. 







J6 11 





264 2 ;552 

Being West from the Meridian of London 90 degrees of 
longitude, I desire to know the Suns declination when the 
Sun is vpou the Meridian the 20 of March, 1593. I must 
here consider that 90 deg. of longitude make 60 howers of 
time, for euery hower containeth 15 deg., whereby I know 
that when the Sunne is south at London he is but East from 


me, for when it is 12 of the clocke at London it is but 6 of 
the clocke in the morning with mee, and when it is 12 of the 
clocke with me it is then 6 of the clocke in the afternoon e at 
London ; therefore I must seek for the declination of the 
sunne at 6 of the clocke in the afternoone, and that is the 
meridionall declination which I must use, being 90 deg. West 
from London, which to doe, the last example doth suf- 
ficiently teach you, whereby you may easily gather the per- 
fect notice of whatsoeuer is requisite in any of these kinde 
of observations, if you reade with the eye of reason, 
and labour to vnderstand with iudgement that which 
you reade. 

There is another way most excellent for the finding of the 
Sunnes declination at all times, that is to search by the Ephi- 
merides the Sunne's true place in the Ecliptick for any time 
purposed whatsoeuer, and then by the tables of Sinus the 
declination is thus known. Multiply the Sinus of the suns 
longitude from the Equinoctial points of Aries or Libra, to 
which soeuer he is neerest, by the Sinus of the Suns greatest 
declination, and diuide the product by the whole Sinus, and 
the arke of the quotient is the declination desired : but be- 
cause seamen are not acquainted with such calculations, I 
therefore omit to speake further thereof, sith this plaine way 
before taught is sufficient for their purpose. 

The vse of this Instrument. 

By this instrument^ you may sufficiently vnderstand the 
reasons of what soeuer is before spoken for the finding of 
the Poles eleuation, or the latitude of your being, into the 
consideration whereof, because the yoong practisor may the 
better enter, I thinke it not amisse by a few examples to 
expresse the necessary vse thereof. 

> See next page. 


THE seaman's SECBETS. 

1. — Q. The Sunne hauing 7 degrees of north declination^ 
and the Pole Artick being 45 degrees aboae the Horizon^ I 
demannd what will bee the Sannes meridionall distance 
from my Zenith ? 

1. — A. First, I tume the Horizon vntil I bring the north 
pole to be 45 degrees aboue the same, there holding the 
Horizon not to be moued, I then bring the thrid that is 
fastened to the Center of the Instrument, 7 degrees from the 
Equinoctiall towardes the north, because the Sunne hath so 
much north declination^ and the thrid doth show me vpon the 
verticall circle, that the Sunne is 38 degrees from my Zenith. 

2. — Q. The pole artick being 50 deg. aboue the Horizon, 
and the Suns distance 30 deg. from the Zenith, I demaund 
what is the Suns declination ? 

2, — A. As in the first question I place the North pole 50 


degrees abone the Horizon, there holding the Horizon not 
to be mooued, then I bring the thrid to the 30 degree vpon 
the verticall circle, because the Sunne is 30 degrees from 
my Zenith, and then the thrid sheweth vpon the Meridian 
betweene the Tropick of Cancer and the Equinoctial!, that 
the Sunne hath 20 degrees of North declination. 

3. — Q. The Sunne hauing 10 deg. of South declination, 
being vpon the Meridian, is 53 deg. from my Zenith, I de- 
maund what is the poles height ? 

3. — A. In the first question, the Poles height and the 
Sunnes declination are giuen for the finding of the Sunnes 
meridional! distance from the Zenith. In the second, the 
Poles height is giuen, and the Sunnes meridionall distance 
from the Zenith, thereby to find the Sunnes declina- 
tion. And in this question the Sunnes declination and 
meridionall distance is giuen for the finding of the Poles 
height. I therefore bring the thrid, fastned in the center 
of the instrument, 10 degrees South from the Equator, be- 
tween the Equinoctial! and the tropick of Capricome, there 
holding the thrid not to be mooued, I then turne the Horizon 
vntil I bring the 53 degree of the verticall circle vnder the 
thrid, and then the Horizon sheweth me that the North 
pole is 43 degrees aboue the same. 

4. — Q. The Sun hauing 12 degrees of south declination, 
and being vpon the Meridian South from me, is 30 degrees 
aboue the Horizon, I demaund how farre the Sun is from 
my Zenith, how much the Equinoctial! is aboue the Horizon, 
and what is the Poles height. 

4. — ^A. First, I bring the thrid to the place of the Sunnes 
declination as before, there holding it not to be moued, the 
I turne the Horizon vntil I bring it to be 30 deg. under the 
thrid, and then the thrid sheweth me that the Sun is 60 
deg. from my Zenith, and the Horizon sheweth that the 
Equinoctial! is 42 deg. above the same, and that the north pole 
is also elevated 48 deg. above the horizon. Although these 

270 THE seaman's secrets. 

qnestios are so very easy and plain^ as tbat they may readily 
be answered by memory, yet because the reasons how they 
are answered may the better appeare, is the cause wherefore 
they are demaunded, and in this sort answered, only for the 
benefit of such as are not altogether expert in these prac- 
tises, that thereby they might likewise frame vnto them- 
selves questions of other variety, and so gather thereby the 
more sufficient iudgment in this part of Nauigation. 

What w the Zenith ? 

The zenith is that prick or point in ye heaues which is 
directly over your head, from whence a line falling perpen- 
dicularly, wil touch the place of your being, and so passe by 
the center of the sphere, and this line may be called the 
Axis of the Horizon, and the Zenith the pole of the same, 
being 90 deg. 

The use of the Regiment, 

Forasmuch as the poles height cannot be obsemed by 
the Sunne, unlesse the Sunnes true declination be knowne, 
I haue therefore carefully calculated these Tables or Regi- 
ment,* out of Stadius Ephimerides* for the years 1593, 94, 
95, and 1596, which will serue untill the yeere 1612 without 
further correction ; and because there may grow no errour 
by mistaking the yeeres, I haue ouer euery moneth written 
the yeere of the Lord, in which the declination of the same 
moneth is to be vsed, therefore when in any yeere and 
moneth you seeke the Sunnes declination, first looke for 

> It has not been thought necessary to reprint the tables of declination. 

' Johannes Stadius was professor of mathematics, first at Paris and 
afterwards at Louvaine. His first Ephemerides, which he called 
Fahulce Bcrgenscs in honor of Robertas d Berges, Bishop of Liege, was 
published in 1545. Others followed from 1554 to 1606. The Epheme- 
rides or daily almanack of Johannes Stadius was in general use in 
this country. It is described by Blundeville in his Art of Navigation 
(1613), p. 662. 


the moneth, and there you shall find 4 of those moneths, 
which are the moneths betweene the leape yeeres, then 
looke oner each of those moneths, vntill you find the yeere 
of the Lord wherein you seeke the declination, and directly 
vnder that yere is the moneth wherein you must seeke the 
Suns declination. Example : 1595, the tenth day of February, 
I would know the Suns declination ; first I seeke out 
February, and ouer the third moneth I see the yeere 1595 ; 
therefore that is my moneth, against the tenth day of which 
moneth I find that the sunne hath 11 degrees 10 minutes of 
South declination, and after the like maner, you must do in 
all the rest as occasion require th. 

^V^lat is the Chart ? 

The Sea Chart is a speciall instrument for the Seamans 
vse, whereby the hydrographicall description of the Ocean 
Seas, with the answerable geographicall limits of the earth, 
are supposed to be in such sort ginen as that the longitudes 
and latitudes of all places, with the true distance and 
course betweene place and place, might thereby be truely 
knowne. &it because there is no j)roportionable agree- 
ment between a Globus superficies and a plaine superficies, 
there a Chart doth not expresse that certainty of the 
premisses which is thereby pretended to be giuen^ for 
things are best described ypon bodies agreeable to their 
owne forme. And whereas in the true nature of the Sphere 
there can bee no parallells described, but the East and 
West courses onely, the rest of the courses being concurued 
lines, ascendent toward the Poles, the Meridians al con- 
curring and ioyning together in the Poles, notwithstanding 
in the Sea Chart all those courses are described as 
parallels, without any diuersity, alteration, or distinction to 
the contrarie, whereby the instrument is apparantly faultie; 
yet it cannot bee denyed but Charts for short courses are 
to uery good purpose for the Pilots vse, and in long courses 


272 THE seaman's secrets. 

be the distance neuer so farre, if the Pilot retume by the 
same course^ whereby in the first he prosecuted his voyage, 
his Chart wil be without errour, as an instrument of very 
great commoditie; but if he returne by any other way 
then by that which he went forth, the imperfections of the 
Chart will then appeare to be very great, especially if the 
voyage be long, or that the same be in the North partes of 
the worlde, the farther towards the North, the more im- 
perfect ; therefore there is no instrument answerable to the 
Globe or paradoxall Chart, for all courses and climats what- 
soever, by whom all desired truth is most plentifully mani- 
fested, as shall hereafter at large be declared, but for the 
coasting of any shore or country, or for shorte voyage, there 
is no instrument more conuenient for the Seamans vso, 
then the well-described Sea Chart. 

What is the vse of the Sea Chart ? 

By the directions of the sea chart, the skilfull pilot con- 
uaieth his ship from place to place, by such courses as by 
the Chart are made knowue vnto him, together with the 
helpe of his compasse or Crosse-sta£fe as before is shewed, 
for the Crosse-stafie, the Compas, and the Chart, are so 
necessarily ioyned together, as that the one may not wel be 
without the other in ye execution of the practises of Nauiga- 
tion; for as the Chart sheweth the courses, so doth the 
Compasse direct the same, and the Crosse-staffe by euery 
particular obserued latitude doth confirme the truth of such 
courses, and also giueth the certayne distance that the ship 
hath sayled vpon the same. 

And in the vse of or vnderstanding of the Sea Chart 
there are fine thinges cheifly to be regarded. 

The first is, that the Countries or geographic of the 

* Davis must mean by the same track, llie plane chart then in use 
was much more distorted than Mercator's projection. 


Chart bee knowne, with eueiy Cape, Promontory, Port, 
Hauen, Bay, Sands, Bocks, and dangers therein contayned. 

Secondly, that the lines drawne vpon the Chart, with 
their seuerall properties, be likewise vnderstood. 

Thirdly, that the latitudes of such places as are within 
the Chart be also knowne, as by the Chart they are 

Fourthly, that you bee able to measure the distances 
betweene place and place vpon the Chart. 

And fiftly, the Seaman must be able by his Chart to 
know the true courses betweene any lies. Continents, or 
Capes whatsoeuer, for by these fiue diuersities, the Chart is 
to be vsed in the skill of Nauigation. 

How is the latitude of places Tcnowne hy the Chart? 

ThaJatitude is thus found by the Chart : vpon the place 
w hose latitude you de sire to know^ set on e foot o f your 
compasses, then stretch the other foote to the next East 
and West line, mooue your hand and Compasses East or 
" ^est as oc c asio n requireth, vntill you bring the Compasses 
to th e graduated^Meridian, and there that foote of the 
Compasses which stoode upon the. place whose latitude you 
would iuxow^ doth shewe the latitude of the same place. 


How is the course betweene place and place knowne? 

When there are two places assigned, the course betweene 
which you desire to know, set one foote of your Compasses 
vpon one of the places, then by discretion consider the 
lines^ that lead toward the other place, stretching the other 
foote of the Compasses to one of those lines, and to that part 
of the line which is neerest to you, keeping that foote still 
upon the same line, moue your hand and Compasses 
toward the other place, and see whether the other foote of 

* That is to say the rhumb lines with which old charts were covered. ") 
These lines were necessary before parallel rulers came into use. 

274 THE skahan's secrets. 

the Compasses that stood npon the first place^ do by this 
direction tonch the second place, which if it doe^ then 
that line wherevpon you kept the one foote of your Com- 
passes, is the course betweene those places; but if it 
touch not the place^ you must by discretion search yntil 
you finde a line^ wherevpon keeping the one foote of the 
Compasses^ will lead the other foote directly from one 
place to the other^ for that is the course betweene those 
two places. 

How is the distance of places found vpon the Chart. 

I If the places be not farre asunder, stretch a paire of Com- 

passes betweene them, setting the one foote of the com- 
passes upon one of the places, and the other vpon the other 
place, then not altering the compasses, set them vpo the 
graduated meridian of your Chart, and allowing 20 leagues 
for every degree that is contained betweene the 2 feet of 
your compasses, the distance desired is thereby knowne ; if 
between the places there be 5 degrees, then they are 100 
leagues asunder, &c. But if the distance betweene the 
places be so great as that the compasses cannot reach be- 
tweene them, then take out 5 degrees with your compasses^ 
which is 100 leagues, and therewith you may measure the 
distance as practise will teach you. There is also in euery 

'^ Chart a scale of leagues laid downe, whereby you may 

How doth tlte Pilot order these matters y thereby to conduct his 

ship from plaice to place ? 

The Pilote, in the execution of this part of Nauigation, 
doth with carefull regarde consider three especiaU things, 
whereupon the full practises are grounded. 

1. Of which the first is, the good obseruations of his 
latitude, which howe it may be knowne is before sufficiently 


2. Tlie second is a careful! regarde vnto his stereag^ 
with very diligent examination of the truth of his Compasse^ 
that it be without variation or other impediments.^ 

8. And the third is a careful consideration of the number 
of leagues that the Ship sayleth in eury houre or watch,* to 
the neerest estimation that possibly he can giue^ for any 
two of these three practises being truely given, the third is 
thereby likewise knowne. 

As by the Corse and height the distance is manifested, 
by the distance and Corse the height is knowne; by the 
height and distance the Corse is giuen, of which 3 things 
the Pilot hath onely his height in certaintie ; the corse is 
somewhat doubtful, and the distance is but barely supposed, 
notwithstanding from his altitude' and Corse hee concludeth 
the truth of his practise proceeding in this sort. 

First he considereth in what latitude the place standeth 
from whence hee shapeth his corse, which for an example 
shal be the Lyzart, standing in 50 degrees of septentrionall 
latitude, then directing his corse S. W., saileth 3 or 4 daies 
or longer in such thick weather, as that he is not able to 
make any obseruation of the Poles altitude^ in which time 
he omitteth not to keepe an accompt how many leags the 
ship hath sailed vpon that corse as neere as he can gesse, 
which number of leages in this example shalbe 100 according 
to his iudgement; then having conuenient weather, he 
observeth in what latitude hee is, and findeth himselfe to be 
in 47 degrees ; now with his compasses hee taketh the dis- 
tance of 100 leagues, which is the quantitie of the ships run 
by his supposition, and then setting one foote of the Com- 

> This rule might also be advantageously followed in these days of 
iron ships. Deviation is to us what variation was to Elizabethan navi* 
gators, i e., a varying quantity. 

' Davis does not tell us how he calculated his distances. But in the 
Regiment of the Sea^ by William Bourne (1596), p. 48, there is a descrip- 
tion of the log and line, and the method of using them. 

* He means difference of latitude. 


276 THE seaman's secrets. 

passes upon the Lizart, whicli is the place from whence he 
began his corse, and directly S.W. from the same he setteth 
the other point of the compasses by the direction of another 
paire of compasses^ in such sort as corses are founds and 
there he maketh a pricke for the place of his ships being, 
according to his reckoning and corse. 

And now, searching whether it do agree with his height 
(for the height, corse, and distance must al agree together), 
^' he findeth that his prick standeth in 46 degrees 29 minutes, 
but it should stand in 47 degrees to agree with his ob- 
seruation. Therefore, perceiuing that he hath giuen the 
ship too much way, he bringeth his corse and obserued alti- 
tude to agree, and then hee seeth that his ship hath sayled 
about 85 leagues, and there he layeth down a pricke for 
the tnie place of his ships being, according to his corse and 
latitude, for so by his corse and height he findeth the truth 
of his distance, and reprooueth his supposed accompt to be 
15 leagues too much : and after this sort he proceedeth from 
place to place, vntill he arrive vnto his desired porte, which 
is a conclusion infallible if there be no other impediments 
(whereof there hath not been good consideration had) which 
may breede errour, for from such negligence there may arise 
many inconueniences. 

What may those impediments be ? 

By experience at the Sea wo find many impediments that 
so disturb the expected conclusion of our practises as that 
they agree not with the true positions of arte, for, first, it is 
a matter not common to haue the winde so beneficial as 
that a ship may saile thereby betweene any two assigned 
places vpon the direct corse, but that by the contrarietie of 
windes she may be constrained to trauers vppon all points 
of the Compasse (the nature whereof I have before suffi- 
ciently expressed.) 

Secondly, although the winde may in some sort fauor. 


yet the ship may haue such a leward condition as that she 
may make her way 2 or 3 points from her caping.^ 

Thirdly, the stredge^ may be so disorderly handled as 
that thereby the Pylote may be abused. 

And, lastly, the cdpasse may be so varied as that the 
Pilote may likewise thereby be drawne into erronr ; at all 
which things and many moe, as the nature of his sailing, 
whether before the wind, quartering, or by a bowling, or 
whether with lofty or low sailes, with the benefits or hinder- 
aces of the sea, tidegates, streames, and forced set thereof, 
etc., of all which things (I say) the skilfull Pylote must 
haue consideration, which are better learned by practice 
then taught by penne, for it is not possible that any man 
can be a good and sufficient pylot or skilful Seaman but by 
painful and diligent practise with the assistance of arte, 
whereby the famous pylot may be esteemed worthy of his 
profession, as a member meete for the common weale.' 

And now hauing sufficiently shewed you the ordering of 
your Chart for the execution of the skill of Nauigation, and 
beying also desirous that you should effectually vnderstand 
the full nature and vse of the same, I think it good by a 
few questions to giue you an occasion to exercise yourselfe 
in the perfect accomplishment of such conclusions as are 
by this excellet and commodious instrument to be per- 

1 Probably shaping, or course indicated by the compass. 

* Steerage. Perhaps stredge stands for stretch, a term for a ship^s 
course when beating. " To stretch across on the other tack" is a com- 
mon expression. 

3 An admirable passage. Captain Bedford, R.N., in his Sailor^s 
Pocket Book (3rd ed.), also dwells upon the necessity for practical 
expericDce in making a good pilot. ^* The mastery of the ocean*\ he 
urges, " cannot be learnt upon the shore, and can only be acquired by 
incessant practice on shipboard and at sea/' 


Necessary questions for the better vnderstaiiding of the 

commodious vse of the Chart, 

1. — Q. If I sayle 70 leagues vpon the South-west course^ 
I demaund how many degrees I shall lay or depresse the 

A. The difference wil be 2 degrees 30 minutes. 

2. — Q. If in sayling West-nor-west I rayse the pole 
3 degrees 30 minutes^ I demaund how many leagues I haue 
sayled f 

A. The distance sayled is 180 leagues. 

3. — Q. If in sailing 108 leagues betweene West and Nor 

1 raise the pole 3 degrees, I demaund vpon what corse I 
haue sailed^ and how farre I am from the Meridian from 
whence I began that corse ? 

A. The corse sailed is N.W. b. W., and the distance from 
the Meridian is 90 leagues. 

4. — Q. If in sailing 154 leagues I be 80 leagues West 
from the Meridian from whence I began my corse, I 
demaund vpon what point of the Gompasse I haue sailed, 
and how much I haue raysed the pole ? 

A. The corse is N.W. b. N., and the pole is raysed 6 

5. — Q. If I saile N.W. vntill I be 50 leagues from the 
Meridian where I began my corse, I demaund how many 
leagues I haue sayled, and how much the pole is raysed ? 

A. The distance sayled is 71 leagues, and the pole is 
raysed 2 degrees 32 minutes. 

6. — Q. If in sayling W.N.W. I doe in 30 howers raise 

2 degrees, how many degrees should I haue raysed the 
Pole if the same motion had been North and by West ? 

A. You should haue raised 5 degrees. 

7. — Q. A ship sailing towards the West, for every 80 
leagues that she sayleth in her Corse she departeth from 
the Meridian from whence she began the same Corse 45 


leagnes, I demannd vpon what point of the Gompasse, and 
how many leagaes she hath sayled in raising the pole 5 
degrees ? 

A. She hath sayled North-west by North 120 leaguea 

8. — Q. A pylote sailing toward the west 100 leagues hath 
forgotten his Corse, yet thus much he knoweth, that if he 
had sailed vpon such a Corse as that in 160 leagues sayling 
he would haue raysed the pole 3 degrees, hee should then 
haue beene twise as farre from the Meridian as now hee is, 
and should also haue beene ^ degree further to the North- 
ward then now he is. I would now know what corse he hath 
sailed, how many leagues, and how farre he is separated from 
the Meridian from whence he began the sayde Corse ? 

A. Shee hath sailed 88 leagues North-west by west, and 
is 73 leagues from the Meridian neerest. 

9. — Q. Two ships departing from one place, the one sayling 
145 leagues towards the west hath raised the pole 4 degrees, 
and the other hath raysed the pole 7 degrees, and is 95 
leagues West from the Meridian of the place from whence 
he began his corse, I demannd by what corse the said ship 
hath sailed, how farre they be asunder, and by what corse 
they may meete ? 

A. The first ship hath sailed North-west by west, the 
second hath sayled North-west by north 170 leagues : they 
are asunder 65 leagues, and the corse betweene them is 
North-north-east and South-south-west. 

10. — Q. Two ships sayling from one place, the one in 
sailing 180 leagues is to the eastward of the Meridian 
where he began his corse 150 leagues, I demannd vpon 
what corse and how many leagues the other ship shall 
saile to bring himself 50 leagues N. b. W. from the first 

A. The first ship hath sailed N. e. b. e., and hath raysed 
the Pole 5 degrees ; the second ship must sayle north-east 
by north 237 leagues. 

280 ; THE seaman's secrets. 

Although it may seeme to some that are very expert in 
Navigation that these questions are needlesse, and without 
vse, beying so plaino as not deserving in this sort to bee 
published, notwithstanding that theyr opinion I do in 
friendly curtesie advise all young practisers of this excel- 
lente arte of say ling, that they doe not onely by their Charts 
proove the truth of these answered questions, but also in- 
devor themselves to propound divers other sorts of ques- 
tions, and in seeking their answeres, to enter into the 
reason thereof: for by such exercise the yong beginner 
shall vnderstand the substantial grounds of his Chart, and 
grow perfect therein, for whose ease and furtherance onely 
I have at this present published this briefe treatise of Naui- 
gation, knowing that the experte Pylote is not vnfumished 
of these principles, but enery little helpe dooth greatly fur- 
ther in euery beginning: and, therefore, for the further 
benefite of the practiser, I hane hereunto annexed a par- 
ticular Sea Chart of our Channell, commonly called the 
the Sleue,^ by which all that is before spoken as touching 
vse of the Chart, may be practised, wherein the depths 
of the Chanell are truly layde downe : being an instrument 
most commodious and necessary for all such as seeke the 
Chanell coraming out of the ocean Sea. Much of it is from 
my owne practise, the rest from pylotes of very good suf- 
ficience. I haue founde great certaintie by the vse of this 
Chart, for by the altitude and depth* I haue not at no time 
missed the true notice of my Shippes being which (through 
God's mercifull favour) by my landfalls I haue found al- 
wayes to be without errour, therefore haue it not in light 
regard, for it will giue you great euidence, and is worthy to 

» La Manche. The channel is also called the " Sleeve" in Bourne's 
Regiment of the Sea^ the twenty-second chapter of which gives details of 
the soundings. 

s That is, latitude and sounding. 


be kept as a speciall iewel for the Seaman's vse, be he neuer 
so expert.^ 

And thus hauing suflSciently expressed all the practises 
appertayning to the skill of Horizontal Nauigation, which 
kinde of sayling is now of the greatest sort only practised, 
I thinke it good for your better memory briefly to reporte 
that which before is spoken as touching this kinde of Naui- 
gation, and with all it will not be amisse to shew you after 
what sorte I haue beene accustomed to keepe my adcomptos 
in my practises of sayling, which you shall findo to be very 
sure, plaine, and easie, whereby you may at all times ex- 
amine what is past, and so reforme the corses layde down 
vpon the chart, if by chaunce there should any errour be 
committed. And so concluding this parte of Nauigation, 
will in the next treatise make known vnto you the vse of 
the Globe, such vses I mcane as the Seaman may practise 
in his voyages, and that are most necessary for his know- 

A Table shewing the order how the Seaman may keepe 
his accounts, whereby he may at all times distinctly examine 
his former practises ; for in euery 24 howres, which is from 
noone to noone, he doth not onely lay downe his latitude 
with the corse and leagues, but also how the winde hath 
blowne in the same time. 

The first Colume is the moneths and the daies of the 
same, the second is the obserued altitude, the third is the 
Horizontal corse or motion of the Ship, the fourth the num- 
ber of leagues that the Ship hath sayled, the fifth is a space 
wherein must be noted by what wind those things haue 
beene performed : and the next great space is to lay downe 
any breefe discourse for your memory.* 

^ This chart of the British Channel by Davis, is not in the editions 
of the ASeamaji's Secrets at the British Museum, or in the Pepy^s Library 
at Cambridge. 

* in his traverse book, kept during his third Arctic voyage, Davis 
has another column for hours of the day. See page 49. 



Anno 1593.* 

tha month. 



O. M. 




The S3 of March, Cape 8. Au- 
gustine in Brmsill being 16 
leags east from me, I began 

March 24 










N.byE. norly 


E. b. N. 

CompasBe varied 9 deg. 
the South point West- 






E. b. N. 

Compasse varied 8 deg. 





E. b. N. 

the South point West- 




N. easterly. 


E. b. N. 








Compasse varied 6 deg. 
40 m. the South point 


N. b. W. 



Obseruation, the Pole 
aboue the Horizon. 

April 4 


N.W. b. N. 










3 5 





4' 5 

N.W. b.N. 




4 45 





5 16 





6 11 

N.W. b. N. 




7 16 

N.W. b. N. 



Compasse varied 7 deg. 

the north point east- 



A hriefe repetition of that which is before spoken. 

There are 3 kinds of Nauigation^ Horizontally Paradoxal!^ 
and sailing upon a great Circle^ performed by corse and 

A Corse is the Paradoxall line^ which is described by the 
Ship's motion upon any point of Compasse. 

A Travers is the varietie of the Ship's motion vpon euery 
alteration of Corses. 

The Compasse is an artificial Horizon^ by which Corses 
and Traverses are directed^ and containeth 12 points, and 
euery point containeth 11 J degrees, or 45 minutes, being | 
of an hower. 

1 This is an extract from the log of the Desire during her disastrous 
voyage home. See pages 125 and 126. 


By such qaantitie of time as the Moone separateth her 
selfe from the Sunne, by the like rate of time euery tide 
doth one differ from another. In euery hower the tide 
altereth two minutes^ in euery floud twelue minutes^ and in 
euety ebbe twelue minutes, and in euery day 48 minutes^ 
because that so is the Moone's separation from the Sunne : 
for the Moone doth separate herselfe from the Sunne in 
Query day one point and 3 minutes ; between the change and 
the full shee is to the Eastwards of the Sun, and then is her 
separation^ at which time she is before the Sunne in respect 
of her naturall motion^ but in regarde of her violent mo- 
tion she is then behinde or abaft the Sunne. 

Betweene the full and the change she is to the Westwi^rd 
of the Sunne^ applying towards the Sun^ and then is her 
application^ at which time shee is behind or abafb the 
Sunne^ in respect of her natural motion^ but in considera- 
tions of her violent motion^ she is then before the Sunne. 

She hath a violent motion^ a naturaU motion^ a slowe^ 
swifb and moane motion. 

In euery 27 dayes and 8 howers she performeth her 
naturall motion through the Zodiaa 

Betweene change and change there is twenty-nine daieSj 
twelue houres fortie minutes neerest. 

The solar year consteth of 12 months^ and the lunar 
yee[r]e of 12 Moones. 

The Moone^s age is found by the Epact. 

All instruments vsed in the Nauigation^ of what shape 
or forme soeuer they be, are described or demonstrated vpon 
a Circle or some portion of a Circle, and therefore are of 
the nature of a Circle. 

A degree is the 360 parte of a Circle, how bigge or little 
soeuer the Circle be. 

A degree is applied after the 6 seuerall sortes, to the 
Equator, to the Meridian, to the Horizon, to the verticall 
Circle, to measure, to time. 


284 THE seaman's secrets. 

Altitude is the distance, height, or mounting of one thing 
aboue another. 

The Pole's altitude is the distance betweene the Pole and 
the Horizon, or that portion of the Meridian which is con- 
tained between the Pole and the Horizon. 

The altitude of the Sunne aboue the Horizon, is that 
portion of the verticall circle which is contained between 
the Horizon and the Sunne. 

Latitude is that arke of the Meridian which is contained 
betweene the parallell of any place and the Equator, or that 
part of the Meridian which is included between the Zenith 
and the Equinoxtiall. 

Longitude is that portion of the Equator contained be- 
tweene the Meridian of S. Michels, one of the Assores, and 
the Meridian of the place whose longitude is desired : the 
reason why the accompt of longitude doth begin at this Ile^ 
is, because that there the Compasse hath no variety,^ for the 
Meridian of this He passeth by the Poles of the world and 
the poles of the Magnet, being a Meridian proper to both 

The longitude betweene place and place, is the portion of 
the Equator which is contained betweene the Meridians of 
the same places. 

Declination is the distance of the Sunne, Moone, and 
Starres from the Equinoctiall, or that part of the Meridian 
which passeth by the Center of any celestiall body, and is 
contained betweene the same center and the Equinoctiall. 

1 In the year 1594. The variation at St. Michaers is now about 
25«> W. 

* From the time of Ptolemy the meridian of the Fortunate Isles, as 
being furthest to the west, was adopted as the first, and the meridian of 
Ferro the westernmost of the Canaries, was universally used until the 
time of Elizabeth. Cosmographers then adopted St. Micliaers, in the 
Azores, on the ground that the compass there had no variation. After 
the establishment of the observatory in 1676, the Greenwich meridian 
was adopted by the English. 


Hidrography is the description of the Ocean Sea, with 
all lies, bancks, rocks and sands therein contained, whose 
limits extend to the geographicall borders of the earth, the 
perfect notice whereof is the chiefest thing required in a 
sufficient pylote, in his excellent practice of sayling. 

Geography is the description of the heauens, with all that 
is contayned within the circuite thereof, but to the purpose 
of nauigation, we must vnderstand Cosmography to be the 
vniuersall description of the terrestriall Globe, distinguished 
by all such circles, by which the distinction of the celestiall 
Sphere is vnderstoode to be giuen, with euery Country, 
Coast, Sea, Harborow, or other place, seated in their one 
longitude, latitude, Zone and Glyme. 

The Chart is a speciall instrument in Nauigation, pre- 
tending the Cosmographicall description of the terrestriall 
Globe, by all such lines, circles, corses and diuisions as are 
required to the most exquisite skil of nauigation. 











toreandmoftneceOaiyvreoftfaeGIalx^ ' 




UT" ' 'J 



WJiat is the Sphere ? 

The Sphere is the solide body contained vnder one super- 
ficies, in the middest whereof there is a point or prick^ which 
is the center of the Sphere from whence all right lines 
drawn to the circumference are equal the one to the other^ 
whereby it is to be vnderstood that the centre of the Sphere 
is euenly placed in his midst, as that it hath like distance 
from al parts of the Circumference. And forasmuch as the 
Sphere is an instrument demonstrating vnto vs the vniver- 
sall ingino of the world, we must therefore vnderstand this 
center to be this terrestrial Globe wherein we haue our 
being, which compared to the celestiall Globe or heauely 
circumference doth beare proportio, as ye center to his 
circles, which earthly globe by the diuine mightie workman- 
ship of God doth admirably hang vpon his center, being of 
equal distance from al parts of the circumference. 

What are the distindioTis of tlie Sphere ? 

The Sphere is distinguished by tenne circles, whereof 
sixe are great circles, and 4 are lesser circles : whereof v 
there are only 8 described vpon the body of the Globe, 
limiting the zones and motion of ye planets, as the Equinoc- 
tiall, the Ecliptick,Equinoctiall Colure, the Solsticiall Colure, 
the Tropick of Cancer, the Tropick of Capricorne, the Artick 
Polar Circle, and the Antartick Polar Circle. The Horizou 
and Meridian are not described vpon the body of the Globe, 


200 THE seaman's secrets. 

but artificially annexed therevnto for the better perfection 
of his vse. 

Which are the Great Circles and which the lesser? 

v The Equator, the Ecliptick, the 2 Colures, the Meridian 

and the Horizon are great circles, because they diuide the 
sphere into 2 equal parts. 

y/ The 2 Tropickes, the Polar circles, are lesser circles, be- 

cause they diuide ye sphere into 2 vnequall partes. 

What is the Equator or Equhwctiall ? 
The Equinoctial is a great circle deuiding ye Sphere into 
2 equal parts, leaning the one halfe towards the North, and 
the other halfe towardes the South, and is equally distant 
from both the Poles of the worlde 90 degrees, placed 
euenly betweene them, and described vpon them, this line 
crosseth the Horizon in the true points of East and West, 
and hath alwaies his own half aboue the Horizon, vnless it 
be vnder either of the Poles, for there the Equator is in the 
Horizon : it crosseth the Meridian at right Spherick Angles, 
and it also crosseth the Ecliptick line in the first minute of 
Aries and Libra, deuiding the Ecliptick and Horizon, and is 
also by them deuided into two equall partes. This line 
is also deuided into 360 equall partes or degrees, which are 
the degrees of Longitude,^ beginning the account in the 
point of Aries, reckoning towards the East, concluding the 
number 360 in the place where the first account began : viz. 
where the Equator doth intersecte the Ecliptick in the first 
minute of Aries, vnder which Meridian S. Michels^ one of 
the yls of the Assores to be placed in the geographical de- 
sumption^ of the terrestriall Globe. 

» Now called Right Asceosion, and reckoned in h. m. s. 

« See page 284, note. 

' ** Desumption" may be from " desume", an obsolete word for " to 
borrow". The first meridian, reckoning from St. Michael's, is thus 
borrowed from the idea of the first point of Ariesbeing the initial ix>int 
of celestial longitude. 


What is the vse of the Equator ? 

The vse of the Equinoctiall is to know the declination of 
the Sunne, Moone, and Stars, whereby the latitude of places 
is giuen, for that portion of the Meridian which is con- 
tayned betweene the Equator and the Center of the Sunne, 
Moone, or Starres, is their declination : also by the Equi- 
noctiall is knowne the Longitude of places, for a quarter of 
a great Circle being drawne from the Pole to the place 
whose Longitude is desired, and so continued to the Equi- 
noctiall, that degree and minute in which the quarter circle 
doeth touch the Equator, is the Longitude of the same 
place, or if you bring any place (that is described vpon the 
Globe) whose Longitude you would knowe, vnder the Meri- 
dian of the Globe, that degree of the Equinoctiall that is 
then likewise directed vnder the Meridian is the Longitude 
desired. When the Sunne cometh vpon the Equator, then 
the daies and nights are of one length through the whole 
worlde ; and then the Sunne riseth vpon the true point of 
East, and setteth upon the true point of West, and not els 
at any time. This circle being fixed in the firmament is 
moued with the first mouer in euery 15 degrees, by which 
accompt in 24 howers his motion is perfourmed. And here 
note that the degrees of the Equinoctiall have a double ap- 
plication, the one to time, and the other to measure : in 
respect of time 15 degrees make an houre, so that euery 
degree contayneth but 4 minutes of time, but when his de- 
grees have relation to measure, then euery degree containeth 
60 minuts being 20 leagues, of that euery minute standeth 
for a mile after our English accompt.^ 

But this allowance of 20 leagues to euery degree of the 
Equinoctiall, in sayling, or measuring of distances vpon the 
East and West Corses, is onely when you are vnder the same, 

I It is not quite clear how Davis reckoned the length of his nautical 
mile. See ante, p. 257. 



because the Equinoctiall beying a parallell, is likewise a 
great circle, and euery degree of a great circle is truly ac- 
compted for 20 leagues, or 60 miles. 

But in the rest of the parallells where either of the Poles 
are cleuated aboue the Horizon, if there you saile or mea- 
sure vpon ye Corses of east or west, there are not 20 leagues 
to be allowed to euery degree, because such parallells are 
^Z* lesser circles, therefore they haue the fewer number of 
leagues to euery degree : so that the further you depart 
fh)m the Equator the lesser are the parallells, and the lesser 
that any parallell is, the lesser are his degrees, because 
euery circle containeth 360 degrees, and as the circles and 
degrees are diminished in their quantitie, in like sorte the 
distance answerable to such degrees must abate as their 
circles do decrease. And further know that the Equator is 
the beginning of al terrestrial Latitude, and the declination 
of the celestiall bodies. 

What is the Ecliptick ? 

The Ecliptick line is a great circle deuiding the Sphere 
into 2 equall partes, by crossing the Equator in an oblique 
sort, deuiding him, and being deuided by him into 2 equall 
parts, bending from the Equator towards the North and 
South 23 degrees and 28 minutes, beyng in the first minute 
of Cancer and Capricorne, there determining the Tropical 
limits, this line likewise deuideth the Zodiac by longitude 
into 2 equal partes, and is deuided togither with the Zodiac 
into 12 equall portions called signes, and euery of these 
signes is deuided vpon the Ecliptick into 30 equall partes 
or degrees, so that this line is deuided into 360 degrees, 
vpon which line the center of the Sunne doth continually 
mooue : this circle is described vpon his proper poles, named 
the Poles of the Zodiac, being in all his partes 90 degrees 
from either of them. 

8KC0ND BOOK. 293 

The Zodiac is a circle^ contrary to all the other, for they 
are mathematicall lines, consisting only of length, without 
breadth or thickncs : but the Zodiac hath latitude or bredth 
12 degrees,^ whose limits are 6 degrees^ of either side of the 
Ecliptick, wherein the Sun,Moone and Planets performe their 
motions and reuolutions, the center of the Sun onely keep- 
ing vpon the Ecliptick, but the other Planets have sometime 
North latitude, and sometime South latitude. And here 
you must vnderstand that the latitude of the Planets or 
Starres is that portion of the Eclipticall Meridian which is 
contained betweene [the] center of the Planet or Star and 
the Ecliptick line, and their longitude^ is that portion of the 
line Ecliptick, which is contained betweene the said Meri- 
dian and the Eclipticall Meridian that passeth by the poles 
of the Zodiac and the first minute of Aries. 

The 12 deuisions or signes of the Zodiac are these, Aries 
T, Taurus ^, Gemini 11, Cancer ^ , Leo SI, Wirgo iU!, 
Library, Scorpio 1*1, Sagittari f* Capricorne "VCP, Aquarius ^, 
Pisces K : and these are their characters that stand by them. 

The 7 planets that keepe within the limit of the Zodiac 
are these : Saturne ^, Jupiter U, Mars J, Sol ©, Venus ?, 
Mercury 5, Luna 3 } Saturne performes his course through 
all the degrees of the Zodiac once in euery 30 yeeres, 
Jupiter in 12 yeeres. Mars in 2 yeeres, the Sunne in 365 
dayes and 6 houres, being one yeere, Venus and i as the 
Sunne, and the Moone performeth her course in 29 dayes 
and about 8 houres, through all the degrees of the Zodiac. 

And note that this naturall motion of the Planets in the 
Zodiac is from the West toward the East, the diurnall mo- 
tion is violent, caused by the first mouer, or primum mobile, 
who in euery 24 houres doth peiforme his circular motion 
from the East to the West, carying with him al other in- 
feriour bodies whatsoeuer, 

» A zone? * 16 degrees. » 8 degrees. 

* Now called right ascension. 

294 THE seaman's secrets. 

What is the vse of the Zodiac ? 

By the Zodiac and EcHptick is knowne the Longitude 
and Latitude of any Celestial body, either Planets or fixed 
Starres, for a quarter of a great circle drawne from the 
pole of the Zodiac to the center of any Planet or Star, and 
so continued vntill it touch the Ecliptick ; that degree and 
minute where the said quarter circle toucheth the Ecliptick, 
is the longitude of the said body, which is to be accompted 
from ye first minute of Aries, for the longitude of Aries is 
the portion of the Ecliptick line, which is contayned be- 
tweene the eclipticall meridian passing by the poles of the 
Zodiac, and the first minute of Aries, and the ecliptical 
meridian which passeth by the poles of the Zodiac and the 
center of any Planet or Starre. 

When the Planets are vpon the North side of the Eclip- 
tick, they haue North latitude, and being South from the 
Ecliptick they haue South latitude. 

Also the motions of the Planets, the time of any Eclipse, 
and the Sun's declinatio' by his place in the Ecliptick, are 
knowne by this circle, whose vse is very ample and to great 
purpose, for all astronomicall considerations. 

What are the Colures ? 

The Solstitiall Colure is a great circle passing by the 
Poles of the world, and the poles of the Zodiac, and the 
Solsticial points or first minute of ICP (Capricorne) and S 
(Cancer), cutting the Equinoctiall at right Spherick angles, 
in his 90 and in his 270 degrees. 

The Equinoctiall Colure is likewise a great circle passing 
by the poles of the world and the Equinoctiall point of T 
(Aries), and =^ (Libra), and crosseth the equator in his first 
and 18 degrees, and these Colures doe intersect each other 
in the poles of the world to the right spherick angles. 

8KC0ND BOOK. 295 

What 18 the use of the Colures ? 

Their vse is to distinguish the 4 principall seasons of the 
yere. Spring, Summer, Autumne, and Winter, deuiding the 
Equator and Ecliptick into 4 equall parts ; also that arke of 
the Solsticiall Colure which is included betweene the first 
minute of S (Cancer) and the Equinoctiall is the Sunne's 
greatest declination towarde the North; the like arke being 
betweene the tropicall point of Ttf (Capricome) and the 
Equator, is the Sunno's greatest South declination, being 
in these our daies 23 degrees 28 minutes. 

What is the Tropick of Oancer ? 

The Tropick of g (Cancer) is one of the lesser circles 
deuiding the sphere into two vnequal parts, and is described 
vpon the pole Artick a parallell to the Equator 23 degrees 
28 minutes from him, being the farthest limit of the EcUp- 
tick bending towards the North, to which when the Sunne 
commeth, the daies are the longest to all those that inhabit 
in the North partes of the worlde, and shortest to the 
Southern inhabitants : betweene this circle and the Equator 
are included the 6 septentrionall signes V, ^, II, S > SI, ^, 
in which signes during the time that the Sunne abideth, 
being from the 11 of March to the 13 of September,^ he 
hath North declination, and then is the spring and summer 
to all such as inhabite in the North partes of the worlde : 
this circle doth touch the Ecliptick in the first minute of S , 
where the Sun beginneth his retume toward the South, 
where- vpon it tooke name Tropick, which signifieth con- 
uersion or returne, by which point of the Ecliptick, the 
diumall motion describeth this Circle. 

What is tlie Tropick of Oapiicome ? 
The Tropick of Ttf (Capricome), is one of the lesser circles 
> Old Style. Now 20th March and 22nd September. 

296 THE seaman's secrets. 

deuiding the sphere into 2 vnequall partes, and is described 
vpon the pole Antartick, a parallell to the Equinoctiall 23 
degrees 28 minutes from him, being the farthest bending of 
the Ecliptick towards the South, to which when the Sunne 
commeth, the daies are then longest to all those that in- 
habite in the South parts of the worlde, and shortest to the 
Northern inhabitants : betweene this circle and the Equator 
are included the 6 southern signes -z^, v\, $, Ttf, JS^y K, in 
which signes during the time that the sunne abideth, being 
fro' the 13 of September to the 11 of March/ he hath South 
declination, and then is the Spring and the Summer to all 
such as inhabite the South partes of the worlde : and 
Autumne and Winter to all the inhabitants in the North 
partes of the worlde. This circle toucheth the Ecliptick in 
the first minute of )CP, by which point the diumall motion 
describeth this parallel. 

What is the vse of the Tropicks ? 

By the Tropicks the Sun's declination is known, as also the 
tropicks by the Sunnes farthest motion towards the North 
and South, for so much as the Tropicks are distant from the 
Equator, so much is the sunnes greatest declination : and 
such as is the Suns greatest declining, such is the distance 
betweene the Tropicks and the Equator : they are also the 
limits of the burning zone, separating the burning and 
temperate zone, for betweene the two Tropicks is contayned 
the burning Zone. 

What is the Artick polar Circle ? 

The artick Polar Circle is one of the lesser circles deuid- 

^ ing the sphere into two vnequall partes, and described vpon 

the Pole Artick in parallell to the Tropick of g , having 

such distance from the pole as the Tropick hath from the 

» Old Style. Now 20th March and 22nd September. 


Equator, being 23 degrees 28 minutes, vpon which circle 
the Artick pole of the Zodiac is placed^ which beying fixed 
in the firmament by the vertue of the first moouor is carried 
about with the heauens^ by which motion this circle is 

What is the Antartick polar Circle ? 

The Antartick polar circle is opposite to the Artick^ and 
parallel to the Tropick of 16*, being in all respects of such 
distance and description from and about the pole Antartick 
as the Artick polar circle is about the pole Artick. 

What is the vse of the Artick and Antartick polar 

Circles ? 

The vse of the 2 polar Circles is to show the distance of 
the poles of the Zodiac from the poles of the World ; for so 
much as the Solsticiall points are distant from the Equator, 
so much are the poles of the Zodiac from the poles of the 
Worlde : the circles doe also deuide and limit the temperate 
and frozen zones, for betweene the Tropick of S and the 
Artick polar circle is contayned the Northern temperate 
zone, and betweene the Artick polar circle and the pole 
Artick, that is within the Artick polar circle, is contained 
the Northern frozen zone. Also betweene the Tropick of 
"W and the Antartick polar circle is included the Antartick 
frozen zone, and these are all the circles that are described 
vpon the body of the Globe. 

What is the Meridian ? 

The Meridian is a great circle passing by the poles of the 
Worlde, and by your Zenith, deuiding the Horizon into 2 
equall parts^ in the points North and South, it also deuideth 
the sphere with al the parallel circles therein contained into 
2 equall partes, crossing them at right spherick angles. 
And this Meridian is not fixed in the firmament as the rest 

298 THK reamam's skckets. 

of the circles are^ for^ if it were, then should it be mooued 
with the first moaer as the rest are^ but it is not so : there- 
fore the Meridian is manifested vpo^ the Globe, by a circle 
or ring of copper fastenedVnto the Globe, vpon the 2 poles, 
so that the Globe moueth round vpon his 2 poles within the 
Meridian. This Meridian is graduated in euery of his 
quarters into 90 degrees, by which his vse is pertburmed : 
and note that one Meridian may have many Horizons, yet 
euery Horizon hath but one Meridian, for if you trauaile 
South or North you keepe still vpon the same Meridian, 
yet in euery sencible difference of distance you shall enter 
into a change of Horizons, for there be as many Horizons 
as there be sencible differences of distance, and there be as 
many Meredians as there be sencible differences of distance, 
BO that the difference be not vpon the points North and 
South, but this copper Meridian annexed to the Globe is to 
be applyed to all differences and distances whatsoeuer, as 
amply as if the number were infinite. 

What is the vse of the Meridian ? 

The vse of the Meridian is to know the highest ascend- 
ing of the Sun, Moone, or Starres from the Horizon, for 
when they bee vppon the Meridian then are they fiarthest 
from the Horizon, and then is the most conuenient time to 
take the altitude of the Sunne or Starres, thereby to finde 
the Poles eleuation. 

By the Meridian of your Globe is known the latitude and 
longitude of any place upon the Globe contained, for if you 
bring any place vnder the Meridian, the degrees of the 
Meridian do shew the latitude of the same, and that degree 
of the Equator which the Meridian doth crosse is the longi- 
tude, &c. 

What is the Horizmi ? 

The Horizon is a great circle deuiding the heauens into 
2 equall partes, the one half being aboue the Horizon is 


alwaies in sights the other half is not seene^ being under khe 
Horizon^ and therefore is called the finitor or limit of our 
sight ; for where the heauens and seas seeme to ioyne to- 
gether^ that is the Horizon : the Horizon is not fixed in the 
firmament^ and yet is a fixed circle constant to his proper 
latitude^ but because in the Globe one and the same Horizon 
may perfourme whatsoeuer is required to all the eleuations^ 
the Horizon is so artificially annexed to the Globe^ that by 
the motion of the Meridian, in the same there fauUeth 
nothing in his vse^ and the Horizons in all respects distin- 
guished^ as is the Sea Compasse. There are two kindes of 
Horizons^ a right Horizon and an oblique Horizon. When the 
Poles are in the Horizon then it is a right Horizon^ for then 
the Equator doth cut the Horizon to right angles^ making 
a right Sphere and a right Horizon. An oblique Horizon is 
where either of the Poles are eleuated aboue the same^ for 
then the Equator doth cut the Horizon to vnlike angles, 
making an oblique Sphere and an oblique Horizon^ and 
although the Horizons be divers and many in number^ for 
euery sencible difierence of distance hath his proper Hori- 
zon, yet is the Horizon of the Globe so conueniently an- 
nexed there vnto^ as that by the mouing of the Meridian in 
the Horizon^ and by the Globe's motion in the Meridian^ both 
the Horizon and Meridian are to be applyed as proper to all 
places whatsoeuer^ and note that the place where you are 
is alwayes the center of the plaine superficiall Horizon. 

What 18 the vse of the Horizon ? 

The Horizon is the beginning of all altitude, for whatso- 
euer is aboue the Horizon is sayd to haue altitude more or 
lesse, and by the Horizon such altitudes are giuen with 
helpe of the crosse staffe, for placing the crosse staffe at 
your eye, if by the one end of the transuersary you see the 
Horizon^ and by the other end (at the same instant) you see 
the body observed, then doth the transuersary show vpon the 

SOO THE seaman's SfiCRBTS. 

staffc the altitude desired. By the horizon the nauigable 
courses from place to place are likewise known^ as also 
the quantitie of the rising and setting of the Sunne^ Moone^ 
and Starres^ whereby is knowne the length of the daies and 
nights in all climats, and at all seasons. By the Horizon 
is knowne vpon what degree of Azumuth the Sun^ Moone^ 
or Starres are^ when they may be seene^ in what part of the 
Heauen soeuer^ whereby the variation of the Compasse is 
found, and the Poles altitude may at all seasons be given. 

Are these all the circles appertaining to thfi Olobe ? 

There are other circles which are fixed and doe properly 
appertaine to euery particular Horizon^ as Azumuths^ Almi- 
canters,^ the Artick and Antartick circles. 

Wliat are the circles of Azumuth ? 

Circles of Azumuth, or verticall circles, are quarters of 
great circles, concurring together in the Zenith, as the 
meridians do in the pole, and are extended from the Zenith 
to euery degree of the Horizon, &c. And because they 
cannot be conueniently described vpon the Globe to bee 
apply ed to all horizons, therefore vpon the Meridian of the 
Globe there is a peece of copper artificially placed, to be 
remoued to any degree of the Meridian at pleasure, which 
peece of copper representeth the Zenith, and must alway be 
placed so many degrees from the Equator as the Pole is 
eleuated from the horizon: and vnto this zenith there is 
ioyned a quarter of a great circle called Quarta altitudo,^ the 
end whereof doth continually touch the horizon, and is so 
ioyned to the Zenith, as that it may be moued round about 
vpon the horizon, and to euery part thereof at your plea- 
sure. This Quarta altitudo is deuided into 90 degrees, 

1 Now called the Quadrant of Altitude. It is generally graduated so 
as to measure 18^ below the horizon, that being the position of the 
crepusculum or twilight circle, where dawn begins and twilight ends. 


being the distinction of all altitude, and beginneth the ac- 
compt from the horizon, which is the beginning of altitude, 
and concludeth 90 degrees in the Zenith^ being the end and 
extreme limit of all altitude. 

What are Almicanters ? 

Almicanters^ are circles of altitude, are parallel circles to 
the horizon, and are described ypon the Zenith as the paral- 
lels to the equator, are described vpon the Poles, of which 
circles there are 90 answerable to the distinctions of the 
Quarta altUudo, which are the degrees contained betweene 
the horizon and zenith ; these circles cannot be described 
vppn the Globe to bee applyed to euery horizon, but they 
are distinguished by the circular motion of the Quarta alti- 
tudo, for if I desire to see the Almicanter circle of 10 
degrees, by mouing the Quarta altitudo round about the 
horizon, the Zenith degree of their quarter circle doth show 
the Almicanter desired in what eleuation soeuer. 

What is the vse of these two circles ? 

The Quarta altitudo perfourmeth the vse of both by the 
Quarta altitudo and Horizon ; the courses fro^ place to place 
are knowne according to the true Horizontal position as 
hereafter shall plainly appeare : it also sheweth the degree 
of Azumuth, and observed altitude of any celestiall body, 
in what latitude soeuer. By the Quarta altitudo and hori- 
zon you may describe a paradoxal! compasse vpon the 
Globe. The Pole's height is at all times thereby to be known, 
and the variation of the Compasse is thereby likewise giuen, 
as hereafter in the practise you shall be taught. 

What are the Article and Antartich circles? 

Euery Horizon hath his prop*er Artick or An tar tick circle, 
those horizons that haue the Pole Artick eleuated aboue 

1 Almicanter is a circle parallel to the horizon, same as a parallel of 

302 THB seaman's secrets. 

them hane their proper Artick circle^ and those that hauo 
the South pole eleuated hane their proper Antartick circle^ 
the qnantitie of which circle is according to the Pole elena- 
tioD^ for if the Polo be much eleuated then is the Artick 
circle great, for the Poles altitude is the semidiameter of 
this circle; if the pole be in the Zenith then halfe the 
heauens is the Artick circle. 

What is the vse of this circle ? 

If the Sunne, Moone, or any Starres be within this circle 
they are neuer caried vnder the horizon during the time of 
their abode therein, whervpon it commeth to passe that 
such as trauaile far towards the North ha\re the Sunne in 
continual uiewe, and those that inhabite vnder the pole (if 
any so doe) the Sun is in continuall sight for sixe moneths 
together, because the sixe Septentrionall signes are within 
the Artick circle, the Equator being in the horizon, Ac. 

There is another small circle which is called Girculus 
horarius, or the hower circle, to be annexed to the Meridian 
of the Globe, for the perfection of his vse ; this circle must 
be deuidcd into 24 equal partes or howers, and those againe 
into such parts us you please for the better distinction of 
time : this circle, vpon which pole there must be fastened 
an Index to moue proportionably, as the sphere upon any 
occasion shall be moued. 

There is also an halfe circle, called the circle of position, 
which sith it serueth to no great purpose for Nauigation I 
here omit, and thus is the Globe fully finished for the per- 
fection of this vse. 

What are the Poles of the world. 

Those are two Poles ; the North artick Pole, and the South 
or Antartick Pole, which poles are immouable prickes fixed 
in the firmament, whereupon the sphere is moued by ver- 
tue of the first mouer, and are the limits of the Axis of the 


worlds as also the extreme terme or band of all declination^ 
being 90 degrees from all partes of the Equator. 

By the raysing of the Pole from the Horizon is knowne 
the parallell or latitude of our being, it also giueth the 
quantities of the Artick circle, and the vobliquetie of the 

Wliat w the Axis of the world ? 

The Axis of the world is a right line passing by the 
center of the sphere, and limited to the circumference 
about which the sphere moueth, and is therefore called 
the Axis of the Sphere ; and as all lines comensurable are 
limited betweene two pointes or pricks, so is the Axis of the 
world, and those two limiting pricks are called the Poles of 
the world. 

What are the Poles of the Zodiac ? 

The zodiac hath likewise two Poles^ Artick and Antartick, 
being two prickes fixed in the firmament, limiting the Axis 
of the zodiac, and are distant from the Poles of the world 
23 degrees 28 minutes, which Poles by the motion of the 
Sphere doe describe the Poles circle, perfourming their mo- 
tion about the Poles of the worlde in euery 24 howers, by 
vertue of the first mouer. Vpon these poles the Ecliptick 
and Zodiac is described, also a quarter of a great circle 
graduated into 90 dep^es, beying fastened to either of these 
Poles and brought to the center of the Star, sheweth by that 
graduation the latitude of the same Starre, and where the 
quarter circle toucheth the Ecliptick, that is likewise his 
longitude, also the 7 planets do perfourme their naturall re- 
uolutions vpon these poles, whose motion is from the West 
towards the East, contrary to the motion of the first 

What is the Axis of the Zodiac ? 

The Axis of the zodiac is a right line passing by the cen- 
ter of the sphere, and limited in the circumference, whose 


304 TH8 sbauim's sbcbxtb. 

limiting pojntes are the Poles of the Zodi&c, and this Axis 
ia moaed bj the Sphere as are his Poles. 

What are ihe Poles of the Horizon ? 
There are two poles of the Horizon, which are the limits 
of his perpendicular dimetient, being eqnidietant 90 degrees 
from all parts of the Horizon, and are the extreme limits of 
all altitude. That polo which is in the vpper Hemisphere is 
called the zenith, and his opposite Pole is called the nadir; 
they are extended in the firmament bat not fixed in it, for 
they moue nener, but remaine alwaies stable to their proper 
horizon, which could not be if it were fixed in the firma- 
ment, for then should they be mooued with the firmament 
as the rest are. By the helpe of these poles is found the 


litnitiDg poyntes are the Poles of tlie Zodiac, and this Axis 
ia mooed by the Sphere as are his Poles. 

What are the Foleg of the Horizon ? 
There are two poles of the Horizon, which are the limits 
of his perpeodicnlar dimetient, being equidistant 90 degrees 
from all parta of the Horizon, and are the extreme limits of 
all altitude. That pole which is in the vpper Hemisphere ia 
called the zenith, and his opposite Pole is called the nadir; 
they are extended in the firmament bat not Exed in it, for 
the; mone neuer, but remains alwaies stable to their proper 
horizon, which conld not be if it were fixed in the firma- 
ment, for then should they be mooued with the firmament 
as the rest are. By the helpe of these poles is foond the 



Azamuth and Almicanter of any celestiall body; for a 
quarter inch deuided into 90 degrees, and fixed to the 
Zenith, as is the Quarta altihido, beyng mooned to any 
celestiall body, doth by those degrees shewe the almicanter 
or altitade of the same body from the Horizon, and that 
parte of the Horizon which the quarter circle toucheth, is 
the Azumuth of the same body, alwaies provided that the 
Zenith stand answerable to the poles eleuation, that is, so 
many degrees from the Equator as the Pole is from the 

How many Zones he there f 

There are 5 zones — 2 temperate zones, 2 frozen zones, 
and one burning zone. The burning zone lieth betweene 
the two Tropicks, whose latitude is 46 degrees 56 minutes, 
which zone by auncient Geographers is reported to be not 
habitable, by reason of ye great heat which there they 
supposed to be, through the perpendicularitie of the Sunne 
beames, whose perpetuall motion is within the said zone, 
but we finde in our trauels, contrary to their reporte, that 
it is not onely habitable, but very populous, containing 
many famous and mightie nations, and yeeldeth in great 
plentie the most purest things that by natures benefits the 
earth may procreate :• twice I have sayled through this zone,^ 
which I found in no sorte to bee oflfensive, but rather com- 
fortable vnto nature, the extremitie of whose heat is not 
furious but tollerable, whose greatest force lasteth but 6 
bowers, that is, from 9 of the clocke in the morning vnto 3 
in the aftemoone, the rest of the day and night is most 
pleasing and delightful, therefore they did nature wrong in 
their rash reporte. 

Of the frozen Zones. 

The frozen zones are contained within the polar circle, the 
Artick frozen zone within the Artick polar circle, and the 

» In his voyage in the Desire ^ 1591 to 1598. 


806 THE siaman's secrets. 

antartick frozen zone within the Antartick polar circle, 
which are also reported not to be habitable, by reason of 
the great extremity of colde, supposed to be in those parts^ 
becaase of the Sannes far distance from those zones^ but in 
these oar dayes we find by experience that the anncient 
Geographers had not the due consideration of the nature of 
these zones^ for three times I haue been within the Artick 
frozen zone, where I found the ayre very temperate, yea 
and many times in calme wether marueilous hot : I haue 
felt the Sunne beames of as forcible action in the frozen zone 
in calme neere vnto the shore, as I haue at any time found 
within the burning zone ; this zone is also inhabited with 
people of good stature, shape, and tractable conditions, with 
whom I haue couerced and not found them rudly barbarous,^ 
as I haue found the Caniballs which are in the straights of 
Magilane and Southeme parts of America. In the frozen 
zone I discouered a coast which I named Desolation at the 
first viewe thereof, supposing it by the loathesome shape to 
bee wast and desolate, but when I came to anker within 
the harbours thereof the people presently came vnto me 
without feare, ofiering such poore things as they had to ex- 
change for yron nailes and such like, but the Ganibals of 
America flye the presence of men, shewing themselues in 
nothing to difier from brute beastes : thus by experience it 
is most manifest that those zones which haue beene es- 
teemed desolate and waste, are habitable, inhabited and 
fruitfuU. If any man be perswaded to the contrary of this 
truth, he shall doe himselfe wrong in hauing so base an 
imagination of the excellency of Gods creation, as to think 

1 The experience of the Eskimos, here recorded by Davis, is fully 
borne out by the accouDts of modem explorers. They are singularly 
contented, notwithstanding the rigorous climate in which they lire, and 
those who have become most intimately acquainted with them in their 
wild state, like Dr. Kane and Mr. Hall, have borne testimony to their 
good qualities. 


that God creating the world for mans vse^ and the same 
being denided but into 5 partes^ 3 of those partes should 
bee to no purpose : but let this saying therefore of the 
Prophet Esayas be your full satisfaction to confirme that 
which by experience I have truely spoken. " For thus sayeth 
the Lorde that created heauen^ God himselfe that framed 
the earth and made it^ hee that prepared it^ hee created it 
not in vaine^ hee framed it to bee inhabited^ &c." Esay. 
45, 18.1 

Of the temperate Zones, 

The temperate Artick zone is included betweene the 
Tropick of S (Cancer), and the Artick Polar circle, whose 

latitude or bredth is 42 degrees, 2 minutes^ within the 
which we have our habitation. 

1 Isaiah xiv, 18. *^ For thus saith tho Lord that created the heayens, 
God himself that formed the earth and made it ; he hath established it, 
he created it not in vain, he formed it to be inhabited." 


308 THE seaman's secrets. 

The temperate Antartick zone is limited by the tropick 
of yy (Capricome) and the Antartick Polar circle^ and hath 
breadth or latitude 42 degrees^ 2 minutes. 

Wh4it is a Climate ? 

A climate is the space or difiference vpon the vpper face 
of the earthy included between two parallells^ wherein the 
day is sensibly lengthened or shortened half an hower, for 
as you trauail from the Equator toward the Artick Pole, 
the Sunne having North declination^ the dayes do grow 
longer and longer^ vntill at last the Sunne not setting ynder 
the horizon^ you shall haue continually day^ and euery 
space or distance that altereth the day halfe an hower, is 
called a climate : these climates take the names from such 
famous places as are within the said Climates, of which there 
are 9, as by their distinctions may appeare. 

1. The first, passing through Meroe, beginneth in the 
latitude of 12 de. 45 m. and endeth in 20 d. 30 m. whose 
bredth is 7 d. 45 m. 

2. The second, passing through Syene, beginneth in the 
latitude of 20 de. 30 m. and endeth in 27 d. 30 m., whose 
bredth is 7 d. 

3. The third, passing through Alexandria, begin- 
neth in the la. of 27 d. 30 m. and endeth in 33 d. 40 m.^ 
whose bredth is 6 d. 10 m. 

4. The fourth, passing by Rhodes, beginneth in the la. of 
33 d. 40 m. and endeth in 39 d., whose bredth is 5 d. 20 m. 

5. The fifth, passing by Rome, beginneth in the la. of 
39 d. and endeth in 43 d. 30 m., whose breadth is 3 d. 45 m. 

6. The sixt, passing by Boristhines, beginneth in 43 d. 
39 m. and endeth in 47 d. 15 m., whose bredth is 3 d. 45 m. 

7. The seventh, passing by the Rhipaan mountaines, 
beginneth in 47 d. 15 m. and endeth in 50 deg. 20 m., whose 
bredth is 3 d. 5 m. 

8. The eight, passing by Meotis or London, beginneth in 



50 d. 20 m. and endeth in 52 d. 10 m.^ whose bredth is 
2 A 50 m. 

9. The ninth, passing by Denmark, taketh his beginning 
in the latitude of 53 d. 10 m. and endeth in the latitude of 
55 d. 30 m., and hath in bredth 2 d. 20 m. 

If you desire to know how many leagues euery climate is 
in bredth^ allow for euery degree 20 leagues^ or 60 mileSj 
and for euery minut a mile, so is the distance given. 

Thus have I manifested vnto you all the diuisions and 
particularities of the Spheres distinction. 

What is the vse of the Olohe ? 

The vse of the Globe is of so great ease, certainty^ and 
pleasure^ as that the commendations thereof cannot suffi* 
ciently be expressed^ for of all instruments it is the most 
rare and excellent^ whose conclusions are infallible^ giving 


SIO THE SKAMAN's secrets. 

the true line^ angle^ and circalar motion of any corse or 
trauers that may in Nauigation happen^ whereby the longi- 
tude and latitude is most precisely knowne^ and the cer- 
tainty of distance very plainely manifested, according to the 
true nature thereof; it giueth the variation of the com- 
passe^ and the hower or time of the day at all seasons, 
and in all places. And by the Globe the poles height may 
at all instants and vpon euery point or azumuth of the 
Horizon by the Sunnes altitude taken be most precisely 
knowne, by the certainty of whose excellent vse, the skilful 
pilot shal receiue great content in his pleasing practise 

How are distances measured vpon the Olobe ? 

When there are 2 places assigned^ the distance betweene 
which you desire to know, with a paire of circular compasses 
you must doe it in this sort : set one foote of the compasses 
vpon one of the places, and the other foote vp5 the other place, 
the Compasses so stretched forth, bring vnto the Equator, 
and as many degrees as may be contained betweene those 
two points of the Compasse, allowing 20 leagues for euery 
degree, is the distance desired : or if the places be of such 
distance as that you cannot with your compasses reach them, 
then take with the Compasses 5 degrees of the Equator, 
which is 100 leagues, or 10 degrees for 200 leagues, and so 
measure how often the distance is contained betweene the 
said places, if any parte of a degree doth remaine, for halfe 
a degree allow 10 leagues, for a quarter 5 leagues, Ac. ; but 
if you desire a most exquisite precisenes in measuring to 
the minute, second and third, then do thus. When your 
Compasses doth fall vpon any part of a degree, note ye 
distance betweene the end of that degree and the point of 
the compasses, then with a paire of conuenient compasses 
take the distance, then measure the same 60 times vpon the 
equator (beginning at some certaine place), then consider 


how many degrees are cotained within the measure^ and 
allow euery degree to be a minut or mile^ so are the leagues 
and miles known ; if any parte of a degree remaine ypon 
this measure of minuts^ do as at the firsts measuring the 
same 60 times vpo the equator, the degrees coprehended 
within the measure are seconds ; if any parcell of a degree 
remaine vpon these seconds do as in the firsts and the 
degrees contained in this measure are thirds^ and so you 
may proceed infinilly. 

How may the Olole he rectified answerable to the true position 
of the heavens for any place, city, or promontory ? 

The place being knowne for which you would rectifie the 
Globe, doe thus bring the place vnder the Meridian^ and 
there consider the latitude thereof: and as many degrees 
as that place is from the Equator, so many degrees you 
must eleuate the pole from the Horizon^ then bring the 
Zenith directly ouer the same place, and so is your Globe 
rectified for the execution of any practise : and without this 
ordering of the Globe, there is no conclusion to be executed 
by the same. 

How is the longitude of places Knowne by the Olobe ? 

"By turning the Globe within the Meridian^ you must 
bring the Promontory, Bay, Harborow, Citie, or other place 
(whose latitude and longitude you seeke) precisely vnder 
the Meridian, there holding the Globe steady, the degree 
of the meridian that is directly ouer the said place sheweth 
the latitude thereof, and that degree of the equinoctiall 
which is directly vnder the Meridian is the longitude of the 
same place. 

How is the Oorse found betweene place and place ? 

Two places being assigned, the Corse betweene which 
you desire to know, first seeke the latitude of one of these 


312 THE seaman's secrets. 

places^ and rectify the globe answerable vnto the same^ as 
before is taught, then bring that place directly ynder the 
Meridian and zenith^ if both places be vnder your Meridian 
they then lie North and Souths if not^ then bring the 
Quarta Altitude to the other place^ and note vpon what 
part of the Horizon the end of the same toucheth^ for that 
is the precise Horizontall Corse between the said places, 
but this you must consider^ that the Horizontall Corse is 
not the nauigable corse^ vnles the places be of smal dis- 
tance^ for if any place bear Northeast fro me, or East from 
me, or vpon any other point. North or South excepted, and 
be distant 500 leagues, if I saile vpon the Horizontall 
Corse, I shall never arriue vnto the same place. 

How then shall the Pilote saile hy the Globe, if the matter be 

80 doubt full ? 

The skilfuU Pilote that vseth this excellent instrument 
doth first consider the place from whence he shapeth his corse 
and rectifieth the Globe answerable to the same, then bring- 
ing the place directly vnder the Meridian and zenith, there 
holding the Globe steady, bringeth the Quarta Altitudo to 
the place for which he is bound, the end whereof sheweth 
vpon the Horizon the true Horizontall Corse, vpon which 
Corse he saileth 20 or 30 leagues, and there maketh a note 
or pricke by the edge of his Quarta Altitudo, according to 
the true distance proued by Corse, reckoning an altitude as 
in the vse of a chart ; then he bringeth that prick or note 
vnder the Meridian, and there considercth the true latitude 
of his beying, he then rectifieth the globe answerable to 
the same prick, and keeping the same vnder the Zenith, 
doth againe turne the quarta altitudo to the place for which 
he is bound, the end whereof sheweth vpon the Horizon the 
Horizontal Corse ; then sayling as at the first he maketh a 
note or pricke as before, and thus prosecuting his Corse, 
shall ariue vnto his desired place ; but in this practise he 


shal plainly prone that his Horizontall Corse will difier 
greatly, and that by his sayling in this sorte, he shall by his 
notes and pricks describe the tme nanigable and neerest 
Corses betweene the said places. The like methode is to be 
obserued npon any trauers or forced course whatsoeuer; 
and therefore the Pylote must take care, that although the 
winde be neuer so fauourable, yet he must not prosecute 
any Horizontall Corse (North and South onely excepted). 

Therefore I say the Pylote must take speciall care to 
consider the distance of places, whether the Horizontall 
Corse will lead him betweene the said places ; [for if places 
be more then 45 degrees asunder, the Horizontall Corse is 
not the. meane to find those places, vnlesse they lie north 
and south ; for the h orizontall course betweene any 2 places 
is apportion of a great circle^ wjliich being of large distance^ 
mofit.. be perfonrmed by great circle nauigation and not by 
ELorizontall Corses j yfor th e collection of many Horizontall 
Corses being knit to gether, doe performe j|^ paradp^all 
motion altoi?ether dififering from a gr eat circle, as for an 
example^ being at Cape Yerde^ there is a place distant from 
me 80 degrees, vpon the point Northwest, vnto which place 
I desire to saile, I therefore bring Cape Verde vnder the 
Meridian of my Globe, then consideribg the latitude of the 
Cape, I rayse the pole answerable to the same, and place 
the Zenith directly oner the Cape, then turning the quarta 
altitudo to the point Northwest vpon the Horizon, all such 
places as the sayde quarta altitudo then toucheth 
doe beare due North west from me; now prosecuting 
this Corse by the direction of my Compasse, the first 
day I saile 20 leagues, therefore I make a mark by 
the edge of the qtiarta altitudo^ 20 leagues from the 
Zenith, then bringing that marke vnder the Meridian, I 
rectifie the Globe answerable to the latitude thereof ; the 
next day I saile other 20 leagues vpon the same point, and 
make a marke as at the first, I bring that marke likewise 


314 THE seaman's secbets. 

yndcr the Moridian and rectifie the Globe as before^ and by 
this methode prosecuting the Corse N.W. I shall describe a 
paradoxall line which will leade me to the North of the 
place vnto which I would sayle, the farther the distance the 
greater the difference ; by this order you may describe "^ \ 
^ paradoxall lines vpon all the points of the CompassS/nSttt "^— J 
this is to be regarded^ that your differences be as small as 
you may^ and that none of them exceed 20 leagues^ for by 
the smallest distinctions is performed the greatest certaintie- '. 
And by the description of these lines you may very mani- 
festly ynderstand the difference of Horizontall paradoxall 
and great circle Nauigation. 

And this may suffice for the sayling vse of the Globe 
conuenient for the Seamans purpose. 

What is the great Circh iiauigation ? 

Great Circle nauigation is the chiefest of all the 8 kindes 
Q£^sayling,^n whom all the other are con tained, and by 
them this kinde of sayling is performed, continuing a Corse 
by the shortest distance betweene places, not hmited to 
V / 9^J one Corse, either horizontall or paradoxall, but by it 
those Corses are ordered to the full perfection of this rare 
practise, whose benefites in long voiages are to great 
purpose, ordering & disposing all horizontall trauerses to a 
perfect conclusion ; for there are many changes of hori- 
zontall and paradoxall Corses in the execution of this 
/ practise, so that vpon the shifting of a wind, when that it may 
seeme that you are forced to an inconuenient Corse by the 
skill of great Circle sayling, that Corse shall be found the 
shortest and onely proper motion to perfourme your 
voiage. And also when with fauourable windes the Pylote 
/ shall shape a Corse by his Chart or Compass paradoxall^ as 
the best moane to attaine his porte, he shal by this kinde 
of sayling finde a better and shorter Corse, and by sufficient 
demonstration prooue the same, so that without this know- 


ledge I see not how Corses may be ordered to their best 
aduantage ; therefore sith by it perfection of sayling is 
largely vnderstood, & the error likewise most substantially 
controled^ it may of right chalenge the chiefest place 
among the practises Gubemantick.^ The particularities 
whereof, if I should by an orderly methode labour to ex- 
presse, it would bo a discourse ouer large for this place^ 
and as I thinke troublesome if the premises be not well 
vnderstood ; therefore I will now ouerpasse it, vntill a time 
more conuenient and of better leasure. 

Of paradoxall Nauigation. 

Faradoxall Nauigation demonstrateth the true motion of f 
the Ship vpon any Corse assigned, in his true nature, by ' 
longitude, latitude, and distance, giuiug the full limit or 
determination of the same,^l)y which motion lines are 
desciibed neyther circular^ npr^ straightj but concurred or 
winding lines» and. are therefore, called paradoxall, because 
it is beyond opinion that such lines should be described by 
plaine horizontall motion ; for the full perfection of which 
practise I purpose (if God permit) to publish a paradoxall 
Chart, with all conuenient speede, as so will discotier by the 
same at large, all the practises of paradoxall and great 
circle nauigation, for vpon the paradoxall Chart it will best 
serue the Seamans purpose, being an instrumet portable, of 
easie stowage and small practise, perfourming the practices 
of Nauigation as largely and as beneficially as the Globe in 
all respects;' and all these practises of sayling before 

^ Modem nayigatora, who torn their attention to Great Circle Sailing 
as a means of shortening long ocean passages, might learn useful lessons 
from the subjects treated of by Davis between pages '309 and 814, By 
taking a terrestrial globe to sea, duly fitted with the quadrant of alti- 
tude, they would save themselves much laborious calculation by utilizing 
this ^^ rare and excellent" instrument under Davis^s instructions. 

* These remarks show that Davis saw the necessity for giving the sea 
man and pilot some better chart than the plane chart then in use, so as 


316 THE seajcan's secrets. 

mentioned^ may in a generall name be aptly called Naniga- 
tion Geometrically because it wholy consistetb of Geo- 

l metricall demonstratiue conclasions. 

Bat there is another knowledge of Nanigation^ which so 
farre excelleth all that is before spoken^ or that hath hitherto 
beene vulgarly practised^ as the substance his shadow^ or as 
the light surpasseth the thick obscured darknesse ; and this 
sweete skill of sayling may well be called Nauigation arith- 
metically because it wholly consisteth of Calculations^ com- 
prehended within the Umit of number^^ distinguishing 
Corses not onely vpon the points of the Compasse^ but 
ypon every degree of the Horizon, and gineth the distance 
of any trauers for the particular eleuation of minutes ; yea, 
andJiegse part es assure your self e : it giueth longitudes and 
latitudes to the minute^ second^ and thirds in so great 
certaintie, as that by no other meanes the like can be 
perfourmed : it teacheth the nature of Angles and Triangles^ 

y .as well Sphericall as plaine^ superficiaU and solide.cpmmen- 
fiorations, the effect of lynes straight^ circular^ And para- 
^zall; the quantities and proportions of parallells^ the 
nature of Horizons, with euery particular distinction of any 
alteration whatsoeuer that may in Nauigation be required^ 
to a most wonderfull precise certaintie; for there can 
nothing be required that by this heauenly hermonie of 
numbers shall not be most copiously manifested to the Sea- 
mans admiration and great content '} the orderly practise 

to relieve him from the crude method of working an ordinary day's 
work by fidgeting out the courses and distances by means of a rudely 
constructed globe, and then plotting them on an erroneously graduated 
chart. Davis^s ^^ paradoxall chart", which he proposed to publish, was 
probably some scheme for representing the globe on a flat surface, with 
due regard to the convergence of the meridians, thus giving approxi- 
mately the relative sizes of the miles of latitude and those of longitude. 
^ Davis had evidently made some discovery of a means of handling 
figures, whereby the pilot might be able to navigate by the surer 
method of calculation. This discovery he terms *^ Navigation arithmeti- 


whereof, to the best of my poors capacitie, I purpose to 
make known, if I may perceiue my paines already taken to 
be receiued in good parte, which I distrnst not but all 
honest minded Seamen and Pylots of reputation will grate« 
fully embrace, onely in regarde of my friendly good will 
towards them, for it is not in respect of my paines but of 
my loue, that I would receiue fauourable curtesie.^ 

Blow may the Poles height he knowne by the Olobe ? ^ 

There are diners waies to find the poles height by the 
Globe, as well from the Meridian as ypon the same, but 
sith before I haue sufficiently taught how, by the Sunnes 
Meridian altitude, the poles height may bee found, I will 
therefore in this place speake no further thereof, but for the 
other kinds it may be knowne as followeth. 

Kcm by the Sunes rising or setting the Poles height may he 


By your Compasse of variation, or some magneticall in- 
strument, obserue at the sunne rising, ypon what degree of 
the horizon the center toucheth, according to the true hori- 
zontall position of the Magnet, all variation duely considered; 
that being knowne, search in the tables of the Ephimerides 
for the Sunnes place in the Ecliptick at the time of your 
obseruation, then bring that place or degree of the Ecliptick 

cal^\ meaning probably, in the first place, a traverse table and a table 
of meridional parts, and then some method of numbers similar to that 
which Napier gave to the world a few years later, in the shape of loga- 

* This passage shows how well Coleridge had caught the spirit of 
England^s Elizabethan naval worthies, when he put into the mouth of 
his *' Ancient Mariner*', the words : — 

^^ He prayeth best, who loveth best 
All things both great and small ; 
For the dear Grod who loveth us 
He made and loveth all.** 

818 THE seaman's secrets. 

wherein you finde the Sanne to be to the Horizon^ and moone 
the Meridian of the Globe as occasion requireth^ vntill that 
obserued degree of the Horizon and the Sunnes place in the 
Ecliptick doe iustly touch together^ for then is the pole in 
his due Eleuation^ as by the intersection of the Horizon and 
Meridian may appear : in like sort you may find the Poles 
altitude by any knowne fixed Starre in the Horizon. 

To finde the poles height by the Sunne vpon any point of the 


By the Compasse of variation^ rectified to the true hori- 
zontall position^ obserue the Sunne^ vntill he come to any 
point thereof at your pleasure^ and in the same instant take 
the Suns height from the Horizon^ then bring the quarta 
altitudo to that point of the Compasse ypon the Horizon of 
the Globe where you obserued the Sunne to be, there hold- 
ing the quarta altituclo steady^ mooue the Globe^ vntill you 
bring the degree of the Ecliptick (wherein the Sunne is at 
the time of your obseruation) vnto the edg^ of the quarta 
altitudo, if it fall vpon that degree of altitude, as was the 
Sunnes obserued height ; then doth the Pole stand to his 
true Eleuation, but if it agree not you must eleuate or de- 
presse the Pole, as occasion requireth, rectifying the Zenith 
answerable therevnto. And, againe, make trial, as at the 
first, bringing the place of the Sunne to the Quarta altitudo, 
and setting the same vpon the obserued point of the Com- 
passe, vntill it agree in all respects with your obseruation, 
and then the Meridian showeth in his intersection with the 
Horizon the eleuation of the Pole from the Horizon. 

To find the Poles heiyht by any giuen Azumuth by the Sun 

being aboue tlie Horizon, 

By your magnetical instrument or compasse of variation 
obserue the azumuth of the Sun at any time in the forenoon 
or aflemoone, the neerer the Sun is to the Horizon the 


better shal bo yonr obseraation^ and at the same instant 
take the height of the sun from the Horizon^ keep these 
two numbers in memory, and note that the Azumuth be 
obserued according to the true position of the Horizon, by 
hauing good regard to the variation of ye compas^ then bring 
the quarta altitudo to the place of the Sun in the Ecliptick^ 
and set that degree of the Sunnes place in the Ecliptick 
vpon the obserued degree of altitude, by the graduation of 
the Quarta altitudo ; and if the ende thereof at the same 
instant do all right vpon the obserued degree of Azumuth 
then is the Pole in his due Eleuation : if not, then raise or 
lay the pole, as occasion requireth, alwaies regarding that 
you place the Zenith answerable to the Poles altitude, and 
then againe bring the Sunnes place to his altitude vpon the 
Quarta altitudo, and looke againe whether the ende thereof 
do touch the obserued degree of Azumuth vpon the Horizon ; 
if not, you must prosecute this order, vntill at one instant 
the place of the Sunne be vpon his true almicanter, by the 
edge of the Quarta altitudo, and that the end of the quarta 
altitudo doe also touch the obserued degree of Azumuth 
vpon the Horizon, for then is the Pole in his true eleuation, 
as by the Meridian and Horizon will appeare. 

To find the Poles height by the Sunne by any two gitienAzu- 

muths and altitudes, not regarding the true horizontaU 

position or nsedles variations. 

Because there may great errors be comitted in the former 
obseruations, vnlesse the Compasse be perfectly well recti- 
fied, so as it may respect the true partes or distinctions of 
the Horizon, it is not amisse to enforme you how, without 
regard of variation, the Poles height may be found. There- 
fore by your Magneticall instrument or Compasse of varia- 
tion obserue the Sunnes azumuth, without regard of the 
true horizontaU position, and at the same instant obserue 
also his altitude from the Honzon, keepe those two numbers 

320 THE seaman's secrets. 

in memory^ then afler the Sun hath moued a point or two 
points of the compasse^ more or lesse at year discretio, 
obseme again his Aznmnth and altitude^ as at the firsts 
then consider the arke of the Horizon tl^rough which the 
Sanne hath moned between these two obseruations^ for by 
the two obseruations of the Snnnes altitude, and by the 
degrees of Azumuth through which the Sunne hath moued 
the Poles height is thus knowne. First set the Globe to 
the eleuation of the place wherein you are^ as neere as you 
can gesse^ and bring the Zenith to the like latitude from 
the Equator as the poles eleuation is from the Horizon, 
then bring the quarta altittbdo to the place of the Sunne 
vpon the Ecliptick for the time of your obseruation^ there 
place the Sunne vpon the first obserued altitude by the 
degrees of the quarta altitudo, and note the degree of the 
Horizon which the quarta altitudo then toucheth : this done, 
bring the Sunnes place to the second obserued altitude, 
by mooning the quarta altitudo and the Globe vntill the 
degree of the Sunnes place in the Ecliptick and the degree 
of his altitude vpon the quarta altitudo doe meete. Then, 
Againe^ consider the degree of the Horizon which the end 
of the quarta altitudo toucheth^ and note the ark of the 
Horizon contained betweene your two obseruations, of howe 
many degrees it consisteth if it agree with the obseruations 
made by your Magneticall instrument^ then doth the Pole 
stand in his true altitude, if not, you must either raise or 
depresse the Pole, and againe prosecute the former practise, 
vntill you find such azumuths and altitudes vpon the Globe 
as you found by your Magneticall obseruations, for then the 
Pole doth stand in his true altitude, and then doth also 
appeare the true Azumuth of both your obseruatios, which, 
if it agree not with your compasse, then is your compasse 
varied, and may hereby bee corrected, so that this doth not 
onely giue the Poles height, but also the true horizontall 
position without errour. 


To find the Poles height by taking the Suns altitmh aboue the 
Horizon J so that the precise time of any such obserua- 

tion be knowne. 

If you desire at any time of the day to know the Poles 
height, as at 8, 9, or 10 of the clocke, etc., marke diligently 
the time of your obseruation, at what instant you doe ob- 
serue the Sunnes altitude from the Horizon ; the time and 
altitude thus known, bring that place of the Ecliptick 
wherein the Sunne is at the time of your obseruation directly 
vnder the Meridian, there, holding the Globe stedie, bring 
the Index of the circulus horarius to the hower of 12, or 
noone, then mooue the Globe vntill the Index come to the 
hower of your obseruation, there hold the Globe stedy, then 
bring the quarta altitudo to the place of the Sunne in the 
Ecliptick ; if it agree with your obserued altitude, then doth 
the pole stand in his true eleuation, if not, moue the Meri- 
dian, by raising or depressing the pole as occasio requireth, 
vntil you bring the altitude and the hower to agree, and 
then you haue the poles height, and by the end of the quarta 
altitudo doth also appeare the degree of azumuth, where- 
upon the Sun was at the time of your obseruation^ and note 
that in raysing or depressing the pole of the Globe you 
must also place the Zenith so farre from the Equinoctiall 
as the pole is from the Horizon, for this is a generall rule, 
that so much as the pole is eleuated from the Horizon so 
much is the latitude of the Zenith from the Equator, there- 
fore you must alwaies bring the Zenith and altitude to agree 
whensoever you alter the Eleuation, be it never so little. 

To find the Poles height by any two obseniations of the Sunnes 

altitude, not regarding the Iwwer of the day, or any hori- 

zontall position of the Magnet, so that you know the 

distarice of time between the said obseruations. 

Although there be some difficultie in giuing the true 
time of any obseniations at sea, by reason of the alteration 


322 THE seaman's secrets. 

of Horizons, and of the needles variation, yet it is a matter 
most easie by a good hower Glasse, halfe liower Glasse, and 
minute Glasse, to measure the distance of time betweene 
any two observed altitudes, you may therefore vpon that 
ground find the poles height with great facilitie at any time, 
by the Sunne or any fixed Starre, in this sorte. 

Consider in what place of the Bcliptick the Sunne is at 
the time of your obseruation, bring that place to the Meri- 
dian, then with a blackeleade, by mooning the Globe, 
describe a parallell to the Equator, answerable to the 
Sunnes diumall motion and declination for the same 
instant, then if betweene your obseruations there be an 
hower, two howers, more or lesse at your pleasure, as by 
your running glasses may be knowne, you must allowe for 
euery hower 15 de. of the Equator, for so much ascendeth 
euery hower, and for euery 4 minutes one degree, and for 
euery minute J of a degree, then knowing by this order 
how many degrees the sunne is mooned between your 2 
obseruations, you must vpon the parallel which you drawe 
make 2 notes, so many degrees asunder as the Sunne 
hath mooued betweene your obseruations, which may be 
done in this sorte : bring the place wherein the Sun is 
vnder the Meridian, and marke what degree of the Equator 
is then vnder the Meridian, the Globe so standing vpon 
your parallell close by the Meridian, make the first note or 
marke, then turne the Globe, and reckon ye degrees of the 
Equator that passe vnder the Meridian, vntil so many be 
past as was your obseruation, there againe holde the Globe 
stedy and vpon your parallell, close by the Meridian, make 
your second note or marke ; then knowing the Sunnes alti- 
tude at both the obseruations, you must bring the Quarta 
Altitudo to the first note made vpon your parallel, there 
holding the globe stedy ; the Quarta Altitudo and marke 
agreeing in altitude, bring the Quarta Altitudo to the second 
note, if that do also agree with your former obserued alti- 


tude, then doth the Globe stand in his true Eleuation ; if 
not, you roust eleuate or depresse the Pole by discretion, 
vntill you bring the 2 obserued altitudes of the Sunne to 
agree with the two markes which you made vpon your 
described parallell, and then is the Pole at its true eleua- 
tion ; and what is spoken of the Sunne, the like may be 
done by any knowne fixed Starre. I hold this conclusion 
to be very necessary, pleasant, and easie for the Seamans 

To find the true 'place of the Sunne in the Ecliptick at 

all times. 

Because it is most necessarily required in the former 
practises, that the Sunnes true place in the Ecliptick be at 
all times knowne, I thinke it not amisse to enforme you how 
the same may be done. 

The chiefest and most certaine meane to know the same 
is by the tables of the Ephimeridcs, but, those tables want- 
ing, the Seaman may in this sort doe it : by the Eegiment 
seeke out the declination of the Sunne, that being knowne 
bring the zenith vpon the Meridian, so many degrees and 
minutes from the Equator as is the Sunnes declination, 
there moue the globe vntill some degree of the Ecliptick 

1 These several problems to find the Pole's height or the latitude, by 
help of the globe and compiisses, show great ingenuity, — truly what 
Carlyle defines as talent — " the capacity for taking trouble". Before 
the existence of logarithmic tables, these appear to have been the only 
methods. In these days of chronometers, the compass has ceased to be 
an instrument used in the determination of geographical positions at 
sea ; but Davis followed the good old sea adage — '' When you can no 
better do, to an anchor (compass) you must come." All these problems 
on the globe are given in the early books on navigation, and may be 
even now worked out with advantage by the student as a means of 
acquiring a comprehensive grasp of the" true principles of spherical tri- 
gonometry. See Robertson's Elements of Navigation^ vol. i. Book vi, 
Sec. V, p. 346 (London, 1796). 


32-1 THE seaman's secrets. 

doe come directly vnder the point of the Zenith, for that is 
the Sunnes place ; you must further consider whether 
it bo betweene March and June, for then you must finde 
the degree in that quarter of the Ecliptick contained be- 
tweene T (Aries) and gj (Cancer) ; if it bee betweene June 
and September, you must finde the degree in that quarter 
of the Ecliptick contained betweene S (Cancer) and i±r 
(Libra), so of the rest. 

It may also be knowne vppon the Horizon of the Globe 
by a Calender Circle that is there described, in this sort : 
first search the day of your moneth wherein you desire to 
know the Sunnes declination, and directly against the same 
degree which standeth for that day, doth also stand the 
degree of the Zodiac, wherein the Sun is at the same time, 
in a circle representing the Zodiac, and described vpon the 

But if it be Leape yeere, you must not take the precise 
day of the moneth wherein you seeke the Suns place, but 
the next day following, and against that day seeke the 

To find the Poles height by any ixvo knowne fi^ed starves. 

When you see any 2 fixed Starres which you know to 
bee both at one instant in the Horizon, vpon your Globe 
searche for those Starres. and bring one of them to touch 
the Horizon of the Globe, if the other doe not likewise 
touch the Horizon, you must raise or depresse the Pole by 
discrete mouing of the Meridian, vntill you bring both 
those Starres to be at one instant in the Horizon, for then 
the Globe doth stand to his true eleuation. 

To finde the Poles height by any two knoivnefi^.ed Stars 

another way. 

When you see any fixed Starre that you know to be in 
the Horizon, you must presently take the height of some 


other Starre, that you likewise know, before the first be 
risen fro the horizon, then vpon your Globe search for the 
Star that you obserued in the horizon, bring that star to 
the horizon of the globe, then holding the globe stcdy, 
bring the quarta altitudo to the other Starro, whose altitude 
you obserued ; if it agree vpon the quarta altitudo with the 
obserued altitude, then the Globe doth stand to his true 
eleuation ; if not, you must by discretion rayse or lay the 
Pole vntill you find the one Starre in the Horizon, and the 
other vpon his true obserued altitude^ for then the Pole 
doth stand to his true eleuation. 

Tofinde the Poles height at anytime by any 2 hnowne fixed 


With your crosse stafie take the distance of any two 
stars from your Zenith, which must be done with as much y 
expedition as may bee ; their distances so known, with a 
paire of copasses, measure so many degrees vpon the 
Equator, as is the distance of the first obserued Starre; 
with an other paire of compasses doe the like for the 
second obserued Starre ; vpon the first Starre set one point 
of the compasses that tooke his distance^ and vpon the 
second Star set likewise one foote of the compasses that 
tooke his distance ; bring the other two feete of the com- 
passes to meete together, there make a marke, for that is 
the parallell wherein you be, and that mark is the Zenith ; 
bring it to the Meridian by moouing the Globe, and there 
wil appeare the latitude desired, for so many degrees and 
minuts as that marke is from the Equator, so much is the 
Pole eleuated aboue the Horizon. This conclusion the Sea- 
man ought to haue in good esteeme. 

To know the precise hower at all times by the Sunne. 

For the finding of the hower of the day by the Globe, it 
is necessary that the Poles height be first knowne; there- 

32G THE skaman's secrets. 

fore set the Pole to his true eleuation^ and the zenith to his 
answerable latitude ; then bring the place of the Sunne in 
the Ecliptick vnder the Meridian, there holding the Globe 
stedy, place the Index of the Circulus horarius vpon 12 of 
the clock or noone ; your Globe thus ordered, then with 
your Crosse staffe take the Sunnes height from the Horizon; 
that being knowne, you must bring the place of the Sun to 
the quarta aUihido, by mouing the Globe and quarta 
aliitudo vntil the place of the Sunne doe agree with the 
obserued altitude, there holding the Globe that hee mooue 
not, the Index doth shew vpon the circulus horarius the 
true hower desired. 

To find the hower of the night by any hnowne fixed Starre. 

Set the Globe to his true altitude, and the Zenith to his 
answerable latitude; you must also place the Index of the 
circulus horarius vpo the houre of 12 or noone, by bringing 
the Sunnes places vnder the Meridian, etc., as before yoa 
did by the Sunne, then take the height of any knowne 
fixed Starre ; bring that Starre to the quarta altitudo, by 
mouing the Globe and quarta altitudo vntill the Starre 
come to his true obserued altitude, there holding the Globe 
stedie, the Index doth showe vpon the circulus horarius the 
true time of your obseruation. 

To know the length of the daies and nights, at all times, and 

in all places. 

The place and time being giuen wherein you desire to 
know the length of the day or night, first set the Globe to 
his altitude for the place, then search the place of the 
Sunne in the Ecliptick for the time wherein you seeke the 
daies length, bring that place of the Sunne vnder the 
Meridian, there holding the Globe that he moue not ; place 
the index of the circulus horarius vpon the hower of 12, or 
noone, then turne the Globe vntill you bring the place of 


the Sun to touch the East part of the horizon, there holding 
the Globe, you shall see by the Index of the circulus 
horarius the true time of the Sunnes rising ; then bring the 
place of the Sunne to the West parte of the Horizon, and 
you shall there see the true time of the Sunnes setting, 
wherby the length of the day and night doth most plainely 
appeare. And this may suflSce for the vse of the Globe 
necessary for the Seamans purpose. 

I might here recite the triple rising and setting of the 
Starres, Cosmice,^ Acronyce,* and Heliace,^ the ascentions 
right and oblique, the dawning and twylight, howers equall 
and vnequall, ordenary and planetary, daies naturall and 
artificiall, the triple rising of the Sunne Equinoctiall and 
Solsticiall, Circles of position with their vse and nature, 
the hoL'Osco])e aud domifying^ distinctions of the heauens, 
the planets, their motions, retrogradiatios and excentricitie 
of their orbs, horologie, and many other most pleasant con- 
clusions; but because they doe in no sort appertaine to 
the Seamans vse, I therefore omit them, as matters more 
troublesome then profitable for him, expecting from some 
learned Mathematician a worke of worthy esteeme, wherin 
these and many other excellent conclusions shall by cunning 
demostration be made knowne vnto vs. 

Of the Crosse staffe and his demonstration. 
The Crosse staffe^ is an artificiall instrument, geometri- 

» Coemical — rising or Betting with the sun. 

s Acrouycal — rising at sunset, and setting at sunrise. 

* Heliacal— emerging from, or passing into, the light of the sun. 

* Domifying, an astrological term meaning dividing or housing the 

* The Cross Stafif was first described by Werner (see Appendix A.), 
and next by Cortes and Medina. There were many forms of it, one in- 
vented by Gemma Frisius, another by Wagenaar, another by Hood. 
They are described, in detail, by Blundeville in his Art of Navigation^ 
pages 666 to 672. The cross staff of Gemma Frisius was too long for 
use on board ship. That of Coignet was three to four feet long. 

328 THE seaman's secrets. 

cally proiected into that forme as an instrument of greatest 
ease and exactest vse in Nauigation, by which in any 
natural! disturbance of wether (the Sun or Stars appearing) 
the Poles height may be knowne, when the Astrolabie or 
quadrant are not to be vsed. Conueying the vse of the 
quadrant from the beame of the Sunne to the beame of the 
eye, for whereas by the quadrant the sun beame perceiuing 
the Dioptra sheweth his height, so by the crosse staffe the 
beame of the eye conueyed to the Sunne or Starre, doth 
likewise giue their height. The demonstration whereof is 

Make a plaine square consisting of 4 right angles^ as is 
the square, I, o, d, n; the angle I shal be assigned the 
Center of the quadrant, where placing one foote of your 
Compasses, stretch the other foote to the angle n, and 
therewith describe a quarter of a circle, as is the arke o, d, n; 
then from the center I to his opposite angle h, drawe a 
right line, by which line the quadrant o, d, n, is diuided into 
2 equall partes ; in the point d deuide the arke d, n, into 90 
equall partes, drawing from the center I lines through euery 
of those diuisions touching in the line n, h, as by this figure 
appeareth ; then consider the length of your transuersary,^ 
and take halfe thereof, laying it vpon the line I, o, in the 
point S ; from that point 8 drawe a parallell to the line I, n, 
as is the line S, y; and as that line doth intersect the 
diuisions of the halfe quadrant, so shalbe the degrees of 
the crosse staffe, and note that the sides of the square must 
be as long as the staffe that is graduated. 

Because the staffe should be of vn reasonable length to 
contain more then 60 degrees, therefore to keepe him in 
due forme for the ease of his vse, and that the complement 
of 90 degrees should be contained vpon the staffe, the 

» The transversary is the cross-piece. It is also called a transome. 
On the cross staff descril)ed by Michel Coignet, there were three trans- 
versarica of different lengths. 



other 30 are artificially protected vpoa the trauauersary as 
by this demoastration appeareth, & in this sort consider 
the length of your etaSe from that point S to the last inter- 


830 TBE seaman's secrets. 

section which endeth in 30 degrees^ lay downe the length of 
the line I, h, at the point of v ; from that point drawe a right 
line, cutting the lino I, h, to right angles, as is the line v, a, 
being iust the length of halfe the transuersary ; then deaide 
the arke Oy d, into 45 equall partes, accompting from the 
point d to the point o ; then from the angle J, drawe right 
lines to the first 15 of those partes, and as those lines doe 
cut the lyne v, a, so must the transuersary be graduated on 
both his partes^ whereunto vanes being framed^ your staffe 
is finished to your vse. 

There is a staffe of another proiection, which I find by 
practise to be an instrument of very great ease and 
certaintio at the Sea^ the Sun not being more then 45 
degrees aboue the Horizon^ whose vse is contrarie to the 
other before demonstrated ; for by this staffe the beame of 
the Sunne shadowing vpon the transuersary, doth thereby 
giue the height most precisely, not regarding how to place 
the center of the staffe to the eye, for the correction of the 
parrallar of the sight, and without l ooki ng vpon the Su n, 
whose demonstration is thus: 

Drawe 2 right lines, cutting each other at right angles, 
as doe the lines d, v, and cZ, s; vpon the angle d, describe 
a quarter circle, as is the arke v, 8, deuide that quadrant 
into 2 equall partes by the line d, n, cutting the quadrant 
into the point h, deuide the arke «, h, into 45 equall partes 
or degrees, drawing lines from the center d to euery of 
those diuisions ; then from the point I, bring the third part 
of the line d, s, vpon the center d, describe an ark of a 
circle, as is the arke T, o, which is for the transuersary of 
this staffe, and the line d, s, is for the staffe ; then from the 
point 0, where the vpper ende of the transuersary toucheth 
the line d, 7i, drawe a parallell to the line d, s, as is the 
line 0, y ; and as that line doth cut the lines drawne from 
the center d, so must the staffe d, s, be graduated, laying it 
vpon the line o, y, putting that part of the staffe wher the 


poiat I touclietli rpou the poiut o, and (hea from tlie point 
/, lay downe the degrees, aa are the intersections vpon the 
line 0, ij, and bo is the staffs graduated. 

The transaorsarjr at the point t mast haue an artificiall 


hole made for the Btaffe to runne in, as other staaea bane, 
also there must bee a plate of brass with a soccat to be set 
to the ccter of the staffs, aa ia the figure a, ia the midst 
wherof there must be a sbtte, through which the sight 
must be conneied to the Horizou, and this plate muat 
receiue the shadone of tho transneraary, and so the staffe is 

Bow it Ike vse of this Btaffe ? 

The Tse of this staffe is altogether contrary to the other, 

for the center of this staffe^ where the brass phite is fastened. 

must be turned to that part of the Horizon which is from 
the Sunne, and with yonr backe towar d the Snnnej by the 
lower edge of tlic halfc crosse, and through the siitte of the 


plate you must direct your sight onely to the Horizon, and 
then mooning the transuersary as occasion requireth, vntill 
the shadow of your vpper edge of the transuersary doe fall 
directly vpon the said slitte or long hole, and also at the 
same instant you see the Horizon through the slitte, and 
then the transuersary sheweth the height desired. 

Finding by practise the excellencie of the Crosse StaflTe 
aboue all x>ther instruments to satisfie the Seamans expecta- 
tion, and also knowing that those instruments whose degrees 
are of largest capacitie are instruments of most certaintie. 
I haue uery carefully laboured to search a good and demon- 
strable meane how a crosse staffe might bo proiected, not 
onely to containe large degrees, but also to auoide the vncer- 
taintie of the sight, by disorderly placing of the staflfe to the 
eye, which demonstration I haue found, and haue had the 
instrument in practise, as well vnder the Sun as in other 
climates, but because it hath a targe demonstration with 
manifold vses I heere omit to manifest the same, purposing 
to write a particular treatise^ thereof, notwithstanding his 
forme and vse, by picture I haue thought good to expresse. 
This staffe is a yard long, hauing two halfe crosses^ the one 
circular, the other straight, the longest not 14 inches, yet 
this staffe doth contain the whole 90 degrees, the shortest 
degree being an inch and f long, wherein the minuts are 
particularly and very sensibly laid down, by which staffe, not \y/ 
regarding the parallar of your sight, nor looking vpon the 
Sunne, but onely vpon the Horizon, the Sunnes height is 
most precisely known, as well and as easily in the Zenith 
as in any other part of the heauen. Then which instrument 
(in my opinion) the Seaman shall not finde any so good, 
and in all climates of so great certaintie, the inuention and 
demonstration whereof I may boldly chalenge to appertaine 

1 This treatise was never printed. Davis seems to have been much 
hurried in writing the latter part of the StamaiCi Secrets, He was pro- 
bably about to go to sea again. 


ynto my selfe (as a portion of the talent which God hath 
bestowed vpon me) I hope without abuse or ofience to any.* 

Of the Quadrant. 
A Quadrant is the fonrth part of a circle, contAining 90 
degreea, and representeth the distance between the Horizon 
and Zenith, being an excellent instrument vpon the shore, 
to perfourme any Astronomical obseruations, but for a Sea- 
man it is to no purpose : and although there may bo very 
mnch written of the commodious and excellent vaea of the 
Quadrant, yet not being an apt instrument for Sea obserua- 
tions, it ahall be from my purpose to write further thereof, 
' The back staff, invented by Davis, wuh the forerunner of Davis'a 
qundrant. calleil by tht French " Quartitr Angkis". 



and therefore the onely laying downe of his forme may at 
this present suffice. 

Of the Astrolahie, 

An Astrolahie is the representation of a great circle con- 
tayning foure quadrants, or 360 degrees, which instrument 
hath beene in long vso among Seamen, and is an excellent 
instrument being rightly vndorstoode and ordered, but sith 
the vulgare Astrolahie w(ith) his vse is to euery Seaman 
sufficiently knowne, it should be vaine labour for me to lay 
downe his vse and demonstration ; therefore by his fourme 
it shall suffice to expresse him.^ 

^ There have been many treatises on the astrolabe, most of which are 
referred to in Appendix A. 



Thero hath been great paines taken by many for the 
enlarging of the degrees contained in the Astrolabie^ among 
which there is a proiection to conuey the degrees of a 
quadrant into the coucauity of an Astrolabiej where by 
these degrees shall be double to any other Astrolabie of 

the same quantities so that the Sunne beame pearcing a 
hole made in the side of the Astrolabie is thereby caried to 
the degree noted in the opposite concaue part, as by his 
forme may appeare. 

Also my selfe labouring in the same matter, haue found 
a meane wherby an Arke of a quadrant, whose side is 10 
foote, may be conueied into an Astrolabie 10 inches dia- 
meter, whose dioptra shall cut his lymbe to right angles, 
and shall perfourme the complement of 90 degrees as 
amply and as effectually as by the quadrant it may in any 
sort be done. 



Whose demon strati on, together with the demonstratioa 
of my Stafie, I purpose, God williDg, at large to manirest. 
But there can be no inuention that can establish the cer- 
tainty of the vse of either Quadrant or Asti-olabio at the 
Sea, for vulesBe it be in very smoothe water, there can be no 
certainty of any obBeruation by those instruments wherby 
the Seaman may rest assured of the la(titude) which he 
seeketh, but the obsemationa made by the crosae atafie are 
without all distrust of error, and therefore no instrument 
may compare with the excelloncie of this crosse staffe for the 
Seamaos vse. 

Imprinted at London by Thomas Dawson, dwelling 

Deere the three Cranes in the VinetreOj 






The following enumeration of works on navigation previous 
to and during the Elizabethan age is intended, firsts to show 
the position taken by the Seaman's Secrets of Davis, 
and, in the second place, to furnish a key to the history of 
the progress of nautical science. England, when her sons 
first began to undertake voyages of discovery, was obliged 
to look to other more advanoed countries for the needful 
knowledge. The first works enumerated in this list are 
little more than paraphrases of Ptolemy. Muller (or 
Regiomontanus) began to take independent observations, 
and soon the Spaniards and Portuguese produced works for 
the use of mariners. The English were at first dependent 
on translations of Spanish books, but discoveries and im- 
provements in the art of navigation followed rapidly on the 
first voyages of discovery, and all through the reign of 
Elizabeth books with new inventions or improved methods 
continued to supply an ever-increasing demand. When a 
good work on navigation was published, edition followed 
edition in rapid succession. The List is an attempt to 
enumerate the principal Spanish and other foreign publica- 
tions, and all the English works on the art of navigation 
belonging to the age of Elizabeth. 

The arrangement of the list is chronological as regards 



authors^ but all editions are enamerat^sd together. At the 
end there is an alphabetical list of authors for more ready 



Sacrobosco (John Holywood) *^De Sphaera mandi*'.^ — 
This was once the universal text-book in all schools of navi- 
gation, especially in Spain and Portugal. There were edi- 
tions in 1472 (Ferrara), 1478 (Venice), 1480 (Bologna), 
1482 (Venice), H85 and 1488 (Vienna), 1404 (Paris), 1498 
(Paris), 1508 (Cologne), 1526 (Avignon), 1527 (Paris), 1537 
(Venice), 1538 and 1543 (Cologne). In 1545 a new Spanish 
edition appeared at Seville in 4to., " J. Sacrobusto. Trac- 
tado do la Sphera con muchas addiciones agora nuevamente 
tmduzido de Latin en lingua Castillana por el Bachiller 
Ilieronymo de Chaves." Hakluyt mentions Chaves as hav- 
ing been one of the examiners in navigation at Seville 
{Pedication to Principal Navigations , 1598). Then followed 
other Italian editions — Venice (1554 and 1576), Florence 
(1579), and Paris (1577). 

Sacrobosco was an English mathematician of the 13th 
century, contemporary with Roger Bacon. He is said to 
have been a Yorkshireman from Halifax. He was admitted 
a member of the University of Paris in 1221, where he 
spent most of his life, but he resided for some years at 

> There were Englishmen who wrote on astronomical subjects even 
before the time of Sacrobosco. In the first half of the twelfth century, 
Athelard or Adt-lard, a Mouk of Bath, wrote on the astrolabe, 
lie had travelled in the East, and returned about 1130. See Hakluyt, 
Prin. Nav., p. 5. In the twelfth century, Alexander Ncckam, Monk 
and Schoolmaster of St. Albans, was undoubtedly the first writer in the 
west who mentioned the compass in his**De Utensilibus". This fact 
was brought to light by M. d'Avezac {Bulletin de la Soc. de Geog. de 
Paris), Roger Bacon mentioned the load-stone in his ^^ Opus Majus^* 
and " De Cosmographia". 


Oxford. He died at Paris in 1256. The '* De sphaera 
mundi^' is a paraphrased translation of part of Ptolemy's 
Almagest. It was first printed in 1472; and passed 
through more than twenty editions. 

The Alphonsine Tables. — An astronomical work which 
appeared in 1252^ under the patronage of Alfonso X, King 
of Castillo. The Tables contain the places of the fixed 
stars^ and the methods and tables then in use for comput- 
ing the places of the planets. But the Tables were not 
made from original observations. They were constructed 
for the meridian of Toledo, and the year 1256. They 
formed, except in a few points, a body of PtolemaBan as- 
tronomy, and continued to be used for several centuries. 
First printed at Venice in 1483, again in 1488, 1492, 1517, 
1521, 1545, and 1553. 

John Peckham, a native of Sussex, a Franciscan, after- 
wards Archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1279-1292, wrote a 
treatise called *' De Sphasri.'' 

Geoffrey Chaucer, the Poet, wrote a treatise on the 
Astrolabe, addressed to his son Lewis, in 1391. It is 
plain, from what is said at the beginning of this treatise, 
that the printed copies do not contain more than two of the 
five parts of which it was intended to consist. The title is 
*' Tractatus de Conclusionibus Astrolabii." Underneath, 
['' Bred and Mylk for Children^'], and it is addressed to his 
son " Litell Lowys". Chaucer obtained his materials from 
the Latin translation of the treatise of the Jew "Ma shea 
Allah Al Misri^' (Messahala^) entitled " Compositio et Opera- 
tio Astrolabii". Chaucer's Treatise was first printed in 
1532 (folio), then followed editions in 1542, 1551, 1561, 
1598, 1602, 1687, 1721. Mr. A. C. Brae published an edi- 

' Or Maschalla. He was a learned Jew at the Court of the Khalifas 
from the time of Almanzor to that of Almamun, a.d. 754 to 813. See 
an account of his works in Casiri^ p. 484. His treatise on the astrolabe, 
translated into Latin, was printed at Venice, in 1493. 


tion in 1870, and the Rev. W. W. Skeat, for the Chaucer 
Society, in 1872. 

EoBERTUS Anglicus (scq De Cestria). — According to Le- 
land he flourished in 1390. *' De Astrolabio Canones In- 
cipiunt." (Perugia, 1476, 4to., 42 leaves.) Edited by XJ. 

Nicholas de Ltnne was a Franciscan Friar, and an ex- 
cellent mathematician of Oxford, who made a remarkable 
Arctic voyage in 1364. See Hakluyt^s Principal Navigatio^is, 
p. 248. I have referred to this voyage in my Northward 
Ho ! p. 10. Nicholas wrote several treatises of more or 
less value to navigators in those days, namely, " De Natura 
zodiaci'*, ''De Planetarum Domibus'^ ''De Mundi Revolu- 
tione^*, and " De usu Astrolabii'\ 

William Batcombe was Professor of Mathematics at Ox- 
ford in the reign of Henry V. He wrote " De Sphasra 
Concava", " De Fabrica et usu ejusdem", and "De Opera- 
tione Astrolabii'\ 

George Purbach was bom near Linz in 1423, and became 
Professor of Astronomy at Vienna, where he constructed 
many astronomical instruments. In his days the Greek 
manuscript of Ptolemy was unknown, and there only existed 
two Latin versions of the Almagest translated from the 
Arabic, besides the treatise on the sphere by Sacrobosco. 
Purbach wrote on the theory of the planets, Theories Novcb 
Planetarum (Venice, 1488), Talvlce Eclipsium (Vienna, 
1514), and commenced the translation of Ptolemy. He 
died at Vienna in 1461. 

JoHANN MiJLLER or Regiomontanus was bom at Konigs- 
berg in Franconia in 1436, and was the pupil of Purbach, 
whom he succeeded as Professor of Astronomy at Vienna. 
In 1461 he went to Rome to study Greek, and thence to 
Ferrara and Padua. In 1465 he returned to Vienna. 
While in Italy he wrote "De Triangulis Planis et Sphsericis*' 
(Nurnberg, 1533, fol.), containing two tables of natural 


sines. He also completed Purbach's translation of Ptolemy's 
Almagest, the first edition appearing at Venice in 1496 
(folio), the second at Basle in 1543. Removing to Nurem- 
burg in 1471, he was assisted by a wealthy citizen named 
Walter, in constructing several astronomical instruments. 
With their aid he drew up Tables which were first published 
in 1544, and exposed the errors of the Alphonsine Tables. 
He also published the first almanac '' Calendarium Novum^', 
for years 1475 to 1566. He died at Rome in 1475. 

Martin Behaim was born at Nuremburg in 1436, and was 
a pupil of Regiomontanus. He was a merchant, and in 
1479 went from Antwerp to Portugal, being a skilful cos- 
mographer and constructor of maps. In 1484 he accom- 
panied Diogo Cam on his voyage of discovery, when that 
explorer reached the mouth of the Congo. He afterwards 
married at Fayal, one of the Azores, and resided there, and 
was employed in making charts, occasionally visiting Lisbon 
and Madeira. He died at Lisbon in 1506 ; leaving no work 
behind but a famous globe, and many charts and maps. 
The globe is preserved at Nuremburg. Martin Behaim in- 
vented the application of the astrolabe to purposes of 
navigation in 1480. 

John Werneb, of Nuremburg, was bom in 1468. A 
great mathematician. He wrote five books on trigonometry ; 
and in 1522 he published his ** Opera Mathematical. Wer- 
ner was the first author who described the cross-staff and 
its use ; in his Annotations on the first book of Ptolemy^s 
Geography, printed in 1514. He died in 1528. 

Joannes Stoeflerius was Professor of Mathematics at 
Tubingen. He was the author of Ephemerides for the 
years 1494 to 1551, and of a work entitled ''De fabrica et 
usu AstrolabiaD^'. He died in 1531, aged 78. 

Sebastian Munsteb was bom at Ingelheim in 1489. He 
was the pupil of Stoefleb at Tubingen, and afterwards 
taught Hebrew and theology at Basle, where he died of the 


plague in 1552. His chief geograptical works were a new 
edition of the Latin version of Ptolemy (1540, fol.) 
'' Sphaera Mundi et Arithmetica" (Basle, 1546, 4to.), and the 
*' Cosmographia Universalis*^ (Basle, 1550, folio), in Ger- 
man, which went through several editions. (See Edkn and 
Belforest.) Munster was called the " German Strabo'*. 

Petrus Appianus, of Leipsic, Professor of Mathematics 
at Ingolstadt, 1524. Author of a great work on cosmo- 
graphy. See Gemma Frisius. 

Angetas. — Published astronomical almanacs or ephe- 
merides from 1494 to 1500. 


Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva. — Andaluz. '^ Compendio 
del Arte de Navegar*', 1484. This is the jBrst book men- 
tioned by Stratico {Bib, Mar. Milano, 1823, 4to.) Alonzo 
Sanchez is the pilot who was supposed to have dis- 
covered America before Columbus. See note at p. 24 of 
the first volume of 0, de la Vega (Hakluyt Society's Series, 

Pedro Nunez, or Nonius, was bom at Alcazar, in Portu- 
gal, in 1497. He wrote *' Sol e da Lua, pello Doutor Pero 
Nunes, Cosmographo del Rey dO JoaO ho tercyro : Empri- 
mir cidade de Lisboa per Germao Galharde emprimidor : 
primeiro dia do mes de Dezembra, 1537" (fol.) In 1567 a 
Latin edition was published at Basle with the addition of a 
second book, the whole entitled "De Arte et Ratione Navi- 
gandi'^ (1530). Nunez, the first of the Portuguese cosmo- 
graphers, exposed the errors of the plane chart, and gave 
the solution of several astronomical problems, including the 
determination of the latitude by sun's double altitude. A 
complete edition of the Latin treatises of Nunez was pub- 
lished at Coimbra in 1573. His treatise on Algebra, in 


Spanish, was printed at Antwerp in 1567. Nunez was 
Professor of Mathematics at Coimbra. He died in 1577, 
aged 80. 

Martin Fernandez Enciso. — " Suma de Geografia que 
trata de todas las partidas j provincias del mundo en espe- 
cial de las Indias, y trata largainente del arte del marear 
juntamente con la esphera en romance, y con el regimiento 
del sol y del norte." 1st edition, Seville, 1519 (fol.), 2nd 
edition, Seville, 1530. "Agora nuevamente emendada de 
algunos defectos que tenia en la impresion passada.^' Bound 
up with Cortes. A third edition, 1546. 

The work consists of definitions, tables of declination, 
and a description of the countries of the world. The Bachil- 
ler Enciso was the partner of Alonzo de Ojeda, and after- 
wards went out to the Darien Isthmus in the expedition of 
Pedrarias, as Alguazil Mayor of the province of Castilla del 
Oro. See Travels of Gieza de Leoii, p. 34, note, and Narra- 
tive of Andagoya, pp. ii, and 2, Jiofe, the Hakluyt Society's 
volumes for 1864 and 1865. The *' Suma de Geografia'* 
may be considered as the first navigation book. 

Enciso says of England that there is no wine or oil, by 
reason of the moist and cold climate, but that the people 
get wine from Spain. They make beer from barley and 
wheat, as in Flanders, which they use as wine. The people 
are well made, red and white complexions, warlike, quarrel- 
some, and cruel. In England there are trees, the leaves 
of which, when they fall on the water, turn into fish, when 
on land, into birds. This is the land whence came the 
tales of King Arthur and the Table Eound, and of the di- 
vinations of Merlin. Of the Dutch he gives a better charac- 
ter. He says they are loyal and valiant, of good conversa- 
tion, quiet and peaceful among themselves. Their country 
is damp, and with good pasture lands. 

Antonio db Guevara. — A Franciscan monk of good family 
from Alava, Bishop of Mondonedo. His works were first 


third part describes the several winds, the construction and 
use of plane charts^ of the compass^ the astrolabe^ and cross 
staff. Cortes was the first to suggest a magnetic pole^ dif- 
ferent from the pole of the earth. 

The second edition of Cortes appeared at Seville in 1556 
(95 leaves, folio). 

The work was translated into English by Richard Eden 
in 1561, at the suggestion of the famous Arctic navigator 
and pilots Stephen Bubbouqh, and dedicated to the Company 
of Merchant Adventurers for the discovery of lands un- 
known, who paid the expenses. Eden gives a preface of 13 
pages. Other editions of the Euglish translation of Cortes 
appeared in 1584, 1588, 1589, 1600, 1609, and 1615. In 
the edition of 1600 the title is '' The Art of Navigation, by 
Martin Curtis". 

Pedeo de Medina. — '^Arte de Navegar*' (Valladolid, 1545, 
folio). The next edition was published at Venice in 1554 
(4to). Then "Regimiento de Navegacion contiene las 
cosas que los pilotos han de saber para bien navegar'' 
(Seville, 1563, 4to). Next there were two Lyons editions, 
in 1569 and 1576, and one at Rouen in 1579. The English 
edition was published in London in 1581, in folio, "The 
Arte of Navigation, by Pedro de Medina, translated out of 
Spanish by J ohn Frampton^\ The first Dutch edition was 
printed at Antwerp in 1580. This was followed by another 
Dutch edition, translated by Marten Everaebt Bbug, and 
printed at Amsterdam in 1598. The Dutch edition of 1580 
is very interesting, because a copy, in quarto, was found at 
the winter quarters of Barents. There is a copy in the 
British Museum. The treatise of Michel Coiqnet is bound 
up with it. 

Medina was bom at Seville. Besides his works on navi- 
gation, he wrote a short chronicle of Spain, and a chronicle 
of the Dukes of Medina Sidonia. He also wrote a '^ Tabula 


mentioned by Haklnyt in his dedication. (See Sacbo- 


Hakluyt, in his dedication to the Lord High Admiral^ in 
advocating the establishment of lectures on navigation in 
London, says that Charles V not only appointed a Pilot 
Major for the examination of such as sought to take charge 
of ships in the voyage to the Indies, but also founded a 
notable lecture of the art of navigation in the '' Casa do 
Contratacion" at Seville. He adds that the learned works 
on this subject, of Alonzo and Geronimo de Chaves and 
Rodrigo Zamorano, had come long ago to his hands. Hak- 
luyt's dedication is dated 7 Oct. 1598. 

The course of instruction which was ordered to be given 
to pilots and other sea officers at Seville was laid down in 
the Ordenanzas del Gansejo Real de las Indias, printed in 
1636. It included the "De Sphaera Mundi" of Sacbo- 
Bosco, the Alphonsinb Tables, the theory of the planets of 
PuRBACH, and the book of triangles by Reoiomontanus ; 
together with the use of instruments, and the art of naviga- 

Mabtin Cobtes. — " Breve compendio de la sphera y de la 
arte de navegar, con nuevos instrumentos y reglas exempli- 
ficado con muy subtiles demonstraciones, compuesto por 
Martin Cortes, natural de Burjalaros en el regno de Aragon 
y de presente vezino de la ciudad de Cadiz ; dirigido al 
invictissimo monarcha Carlo Quinto, Rey de las Hespaiias, 
etc.: Senor Nuestro" (Seville, 1551). 

This work opens with a dedicatory letter to Charles V, 
followed by a prologue addressed to Don Alvaro de Bazan, 
Captain General of the Royal Fleet. Then follow chapters 
containing the usual definitions, and a table of the minutes 
in a degree of longitude on each parallel of latitude. The 
second part describes the motions of sun and moon, divi- 
sions of time, the machinery and use of clocks, and the 
tides. There is also a chapter on the St. Elmo lights. The 


" Cosmographia Petri Apiani*' (Antwerp, 1550). The new 
edition of Appianus and Gemma was produced at Antwerp, 
by Joannes Bellerus, in 1584 (4!to.) Cornelius Gemma, the 
son, was born at Louvain in 1535, and followed the same 
career. He died in 1579. 

Gerard Mercator, or Gerhard Eauffmann, was bom at 
Rupelmonde on March 5th, 1512 ; and studied first at Bois 
le Due, afterwards at Louvain. He studied mathematics 
with the aid of Gemma Frisius; and in 1541 presented to 
Cardinal Granvelle his terrestrial globa This globe was often 
repeated and much used. Yet only two examples of it are 
known to exist, one in the Royal Library at Brussells, and the 
other at Vienna. He published many maps, and in 1569 he 
completed his chart of the world, on the projection which 
bears his nama He did not, however, disclose the princi- 
ple of the projection, which was discovered and first described 
by Edward Wright. Mercator published '' De usu annuli 
astronomici" (Louvain, 1552), and " Tabulas Geographicae 
ad meutem PtolemeBi restitutae et emendatas" (Cologne, 
1578, fol.). He died and was buried at Diusburg in 1594, 
aged 82. 

Abraham Orteltus belonged to a family of Augsburg. 
His grandfather, WiHiam Ortelius, came to Antwerp, and 
there Abraham was bom in 1527. He was wealthy, and 
able to carry out his literary designs. In his youth he 
travelled into Italy, and visited England with his cousin 
Emanuel de Meteren, the historian. He conceived the idea 
of uniting all the best maps by difierent authors, in one 
atlas. The result was his famous " Theatrum Orbis Terra- 
rum'* (Antwerp, 1570, folio), the base of all subsequent 
geographical studies. He also published " Synonymia 
geographica" (Antwerp, 1578), and '^ Thesaurus geogra- 
phicus^' (1596). Ortelius was a friend of Mercator. He 
died on June 28th, 1598, aged 71. 

Martin Everart Brug. — Ephemerides from 1590 to 


1618. (Printed at Leyden, 1597, 4to.) Translator of 
Medina in 1598, and Zamorano in the same year. 

Johannes Stadius. — ^Author of Ephemerides or Alma- 
nacs during a series of years, from 1554 to 1576. See page 
270 (note). {Cologne, 1560, 4to.) 

David Obiganus. — Author of Ephemerides for years 1595 
to 1650 {Frankfort, 1599, 4to.) His meridian was Witten- 
berg. Used by Baffin in 1615, 

JoDOCus HoNDius, an engraver, was bom in 1546. On 
the breaking out of war in the Netherlands he went to 
London, and worked at his business. Here he learnt the 
true principle of constructing charts on the so-called Mer- 
cator^s Projection, from Edward Wright. Eventually he 
returned and settled at Amsterdam, where he published 
many maps, and brought out new editions of the works of 
Mercator. He published a globe in 1597, which he an- 
nounced as containing the discoveries of Frobisher, Davis, 
Barents, Virginia by Harriott, Guiana by Ealeigh, and dis- 
coveries in South America and China, described by Texeira. 
He died in 1611, aged 65. 

Petee Planoius was bom in 1552. He was a Calvinistic 
preacher, pastor of the church at Amsterdam, and a member 
of the Synod of Dordrecht in 1619. But his chief title to 
fame is his service to geogpraphy. He maintained the ex- 
istence of an open polar sea, and he induced the people of 
Amsterdam to despatch an expedition to seek a passage 
north of Novaya Zemlya, under Willem Barents. He also 
promoted the despatch of subsequent expeditions, and 
assisted with his advice. He died on May 25th, 1622. 

Michel Coignbt was a native of Antwerp. He wrote 
*' Nouvelle Instruction des poincts plus excellents et 
n^cessaires touchant Tart de naviguer^' (Antwerp, 1581, 
4to.) This treatise is bound up in the Dutch editions of 
Medina ; forming a supplement, in which Coignet exposes 
the mistakes of Medina. He invented a method of sailing 


on a parallel of latitude^ by means of a ring dial and a 
24-hoar glass^ of whicli he was very prond. Coignefc died 
in 1623. 

Adrian Gebbitz, of Haarlem, was an instructor of pilots. 
After his death was published a work which is now very 
rare. " Dee zeevaert ende onderwysinge der gantschert 
oostersche ende westersche zeevaert water door den ver- 
maerden Piloot ende leermeester der stuerluyden Adriaen. 
Gerritz van Haarlem' ': — *' in which is explained all the 
secrets of navigation from cape to cape, all courses, makings 
of landfalls, rivers, harbours, and streams, warnings of 
shoals and rocks, and how men may pilot to the land, with 
many beautiful teachings to the profit of all seafaring 
people" (Comelisz Claesz at Amsterdam, 1588). Qerritz 
died in 1580. 

NicoLAES PiETERSZ, of Devcnter. Author of a work en- 
titled, "Globe of Cloot :" with problems and demonstrations, 

Mathijs Syvebts or Sofbidus, of Enckhuysen. Author 
of a treatise '^very necessary for seafaring men", which was 
translated into English and printed in 1598, by John 
Wolfe. The title is — " A treatyse very necessarye for all 
seafaringe men, in the which by waye of conference be- 
twene two Pilotes are many necessarye thinges disclosed ; 
besides the most desired arte of shooting East and Weste, 
and the observa^ons of the sune, by Mathias Sijverts Lake- 
man alias Sofridus^'. 

Adbiaan Veen, of Amsterdam, wrote a book called the 
" Napasser", 1594, on pilotage and navigation. 

Jacob Flobisz van Lanoeben, a maker and seller of 
globes. He had a grant of exclusive privilege to sell one 
in 1596. He was a rival of Hondius. 

Gebbit Stempels, of Gouda, a mathematician, published, 
in 1598, a work entitled ^'Astrolabium tam generale quam 
particulare nee non Annulus Astronomicus." 


Henrich Jarichs van der Ley wrote a book which was 
published at Leeuwarden in 1615. " Het Gulden Zeegh el 
des Grooten Zeevaerts'', a navigation book, but of little 

Lucas Jansz Wagenaar. — '* Spieghel der Zeevaardt van 
de Navigatrie de Westersche Zee." (Ley den, 1584, fol.) 
This was the first marine atlas ever published, and there 
have been many editions. The English version appeared in 
1 588. '^ The Mariner^s Mirrour, together with the rules and 
instruments of navigation, first made by Luke Wagenaar 
of Bnchuisen, and now fitted with necessarie additions by 
Anthony Ashley/' (London, 1588, folio.) This book 
contains a folio sheet with the arms of Sir Christopher 
Hatton, to whom the translation is dedicated. The second 
Dutch edition, with new maps, appeared in 1585 (1 vol., 
folio), another in 1586. The fourth Dutch edition, with 
forty-nine charts, is excessively rare. It contains two 
charts of Ireland and one of Norway, by Willem Barents, 
with observations on his first two expeditions to the north. 
This fourth edition was published at Amsterdam by Cornelisz 
Claesz in 1596 (folio). A French edition was published at 
Antwerp in 1591. 

Wagenaar was bom at Enckhuysen in about 1550, and 
served at sea from his boyhood. He was one of the best 
pilots in Holland. In 1577 he published a chart of the 
anchorage at Enckhuysen, and others followed in the fol- 
lowing years. He had the exclusive right, for ten years, of 
publishing his sea charts. They were brought together in 
an atlas called '^ Tresoor van de zeevaart^\ With it is in- 
cluded a very curious old " Lees-Caertboeck^' of Wisby. 
(Leyden, 1592. 4to.) Second edition by Comelis Claesz, 

Simon Stevinus. — On March 8th, 1599, a privilege was 
granted to Christofiel Raphelingi^s to print and publish a 
book by Stevin, called "De Havenvinding'' (Leyden, 1599). 

A A 


It was printed in Latin by Grotius, with the title "Portanm 
Invcstigandorum Eatio". In the same year, Edward 
AVrigut translated it into English, with the title, " The 
Haven Finding Art". Stevinus raised some objections to 
the principles laid down in Wright's " Certain Errors", to 
which Wright gave a full answer in his second edition of 


'^ Le Routier de la Meb insqnes an flenve de jonrdain 
nouvellement imprime a Rouen''. At the end, ^'Cy finissent 
les ingemens de la mer^ des nefs, des maistres, des mar- 
rinners, de tout leur estre avecques le Rentier. Imprim^ a 
Rouen pour Jacques le Forestier, demourant an diet lieu 
devant nostre dame a I'enseigne de la fleur de lis" (29 fol.) 
This is the earliest example known to ns, from which all 
succeeding Rutters took their rise. The date is the com- 
mencement of the 16th century. The book is very rare, and 
no example is known in England. 

Jan Alfonce. — "Voyage avantureux: les tables de la de- 
clination du Soleil" (Poitiers, 4to, 1559). 

Francois Belforest was bom in 1530. He edited, with 
additions, the cosmography of Munstee, ''La Cosmo- 
graphio Universelle de tout le Monde" (Paris, 1575, 2 vols., 

Andre F. Thevet. — " Cosmographie du Levant" (1556). 
An account of the author's voyage to Constantinopla "Les 
singularitez de la France Antarctique autreinent nomm^e 
Amerique" (1558). An Italian edition was published at 
Venice in 1561. "Cosmographie Universelle" (Paris, 1572). 
This was a work of little value, and was never in much 
esteem. It is only interesting because Frobisher was sup- 
plied with it in his northern voyage of 1576. 




'^ The Rutter op the Sea, with the Laws of the Ylo of 
Auloron. Translated and imprinted by Robert Coplande 
at the costos and charges of Richard Bankes*' (London, 1528, 
12mo.) This is the earliest known translation of the Routier 
into English. No copy is known to exist, but it is referred 
to by Ames {Typ, Ant.) 

" The Rutter op the Sea, with the havens, rades, 
and soundyngs, kennynges, wyndes, floodes, and ebbes, 
daungers and costes of dyvers regions, with the lawes of 
the Ylo of Aulcron, and the iudgements of ye sea. Lately 
translated into Englyshe. Imprinted at London in Ponies 
Chyrche yard, at the sygne of ye Maydens Hed, by me, 
Thomas Petyt. The yere of our Lorde God m.d.xxxvi. The 
xxviii daye of Marche." There is a copy in Lincoln's Inn 

'^The Rutter op the Sea", title as above, translated by 
Robert Copland. '' With a Rutter of the Northe, compyled 
by Rycharde Proude, 1541'^ added to the same. Rutter, 
25 leaves ; judgements of the sea, 12 leaves. Rutter of the 
Northe Partes, 5 leaves" (12mo.) There is a copy in the 
British Museum, and another in the Pcpys Library at Cam- 
bridge. A note in the latter, in Mr. Pcpys's writing, as 
follows: '^That ye only Fellow to this book I find extant 
is among Mr. Selden's in ye Bodleian Library at Oxford'* 
(April 1693). 

'^ The Rutter op the Sea", another edition, printed by 
William Copland in 15C0 ? (l2mo.) 

" The Rutter op the SEA^^ etc., printed by John 
Audeley, 1565 ; another edition in the Pepys Library (No. 
4i), 1580 j another in Arbor's list, 1587. 

William Cunningham. — " The Cosmographical Glasse, 
contcyning the pleasant principles of cosmographie, geo- 
graphic, hydrographio, or navigation/^ (J. Day, Loudon, 
1559. fol.) 

A A 2 


Richard Eden was tho translator of Cortes and other 
valuable works. Hia first translation was " A Treatyse of 
the Now India" from tho Latin of Sebastian Mid.'steb 
(London, 1553, 8iro.) Next came P. Martyr's " Decades 
of the New World", from the Latin (1555, 4to.) Hia 
translation of " The Arte of Navigation, containing a com- 
pendium description of tho sphere, with the making of cer- 
tain instruments and rules of navigation, by Martin Cortes, 
Englished by Richard Eden": appeared in 1561 in 4to., and 
was much used. There were editions in 1561, 1578, 1580, 
158-1, 1588, 1589, 1596, 1600, 1609, and 1615. It was 
nndertaken at the request of Stephen Burrough. There 
are copies of the 1584 and 1596 editions in the Pepys 
Library. Then " Decades of Voyages", from the Latin 
of Kertomannus (1576, 8to.), and " History of Travayle ia 
the West and East Indies and other countreya, etc., gath- 
ered in parte and done into Englishe, by Rd. Eden" (1577, 
4to.), edited by Willes. Lastly, " A very Necessary and 
Profitable Booke concerning Navigation, from the Latin of 
Joannes Taibnekids" (1579, 4to.)j printed by Jngge. In 
the Pepys Library at Cambridge {Sea Tracts, ii. No. 11) 
there is " A very Necessary and Profitable Book, trans- 
lated by Richard Eden", on the loadstone. 

Stephen Burrodgh, to whom Eden's translation of Cortes 
is due, was born at Northam, in Devonshire, in 1525. He 
sailed in the expedition of Sir Hugh Willoughby and reached 
Archangel; and made several subsequent voyages as pllofc. 
See Saklvyt, i, p. 274-290. He was afterwards one of the 
four principal pilots in ordinary of the Queen's Royal Navy, 
and conducted the fleet, with Leicester's expedition, from 
Harwich to Flushing in 1585. His interesting account of 
this service has been printed by the Camden Society in the 
volume of Leicester's Correspondence. He died on July 
12th, 1586, and was buried in Chatham Church, aged 60. 

Thomas Diooes. — The great mathematician. (See note 
at p. 234.) 


William Bourne. — " A Eegiment of the Sea, conteyning 
most profitable rules, mathematicall experiences, and perfect 
knowledge of navigation, by William Bourne. Imprinted 
at London, nigh unto the three cranes, in the Vinetree, by 
Thomas Dawson and Thomas Gardyner for John Wight/' 
1573. Second edition 1577. A large engraving of a full- 
rigged ship on the title page. A third edition in 1592, 
corrected by T. Hood. In 1596 a new edition, with this 
title : *' A Regiment for the Sea, containing verie necessarie 
matters for all sorts of men and travailers, wherunto is 
added an hidrographicall discourse touching the five severall 
passages into Cathay, written by William Borne, newly 
corrected and amended by Thomas Hood, D. in Phisicke, 
who hath added a new Begiment and Table of declination. 
Whereunto is also adjoyned the Mariner's Guide, with a 
perfect sea carde, by the said Thomas Hood." (London : 
T. Este, for Thomas Wight, 1596.) This edition also has 
the large ship on the title page. Other editions by Hood 
in 1611 and 1628. 

Bourne was the first to describe the log and line for 
estimating the rate of a ship. Their use is next mentioned 
by Purchas in the narrative of one of the early East India 
voyages. The " Regiment of the Sea'^ was designed as a 
supplement to Coetes, whom Bourne often quotes. Bourne 
published an almanac in 1571 for the years 1571, 1572, 
and 1573, and in 1580 an almanac for ten years. 

Bourne also wrote '' Inventions and Devices. Very neces- 
sary for all generalles and captain es or leaders of men, as 
well by sea as by land.'^ (London, 1578. 4to. 99 pages.) 
The first part treats of " Martiall aflfayres by sea.'' In the 
same year appeared his '' Booke called Treasure forTraveil- 
ers, divided into five bookes or partes, contayning veiy 
necessary matters for all sortes of travailers, eyther by sea 
or by lande.'' The fourth book treats of 'Hhe Arte of 
Staticke or weight, showing how you may knowe the wayght 


of any shippe with all her ladyng.*' This work was '' Im- 
printed at London for Thomas Woodcocke, dwelling in 
Paules churchyarde, at the sygne of the Black Beare/' 
(1578, 8vo.) It is dedicated to Sir William Winter. In 
1587 Bourne published '^The arte of shooting in great 
ordnance'' (4to.) 

Edward Hello wes. — Translated the work of Guevara, 
which was published in 1578. Sec Guevara. 

Dr. John Dee was bom in London in 1527^ and was of 
St. John's College, Cambridge. He also studied at Louvain, 
and lectured at Rheims, returning to England in 1551. He 
was persecuted, during Mary's reign, as one given to enchant- 
ments and sorcery, but was favoured by Queen Elizabeth, 
and he settled at Mortlake. Dr. Dee was the official adviser 
of the Muscovy Company. He wrote a learned treatise on 
the reformation of the calendar. Then followed his '^ General 
and rare Memorials pertayning to the perfect art of Naviga- 
tion, annexed to the paradoxal compas, in playne: now 
first published twenty-four years after the first invention 
thereof. Printed at London by John Daje, Anno 1577.^* 
(Folio, 80 pages.) There is a curious^ woodcut of Queen 
Elizabeth, enthroned in a ship named EvfHoir^, ITiis book 
was intended as a prelude to a larger work, never published, 
but the manuscripts are in Trinity College, Cambridge, and 
the British Museum. In the Pepys Library at Cambridge 
{Sea Tracts, iv) there is a list of Dr. Dee's mathematical 
works relating to navigation. He died at Mortlake in 1608, 
aged 81. (See notes in Introduction and at page 234.) 

Robert Norman was a compass maker at Ratcliffe. He 
printed the works of Borough. ^* Discourse of the magnet 
and loadstone*', by William Borough. *' Discourse of the 
variation of the compas or magneticall needle*' (London, 
1581, 4to, second edition, 1596) ; in his own work, 
entitled, ^'The newe Attractive, containing a Short Discourse 
of the Magnet or Loadstone, and among other his Vertues of 



a new discovered secret and subtil propertie, concerning the 
declining of the needle touche, and therewith, under the 
plain of the horizon. Now first found out by Robert Norman, 
Hydrographcr. Hereunto are annexed certaine necessarie 
rules for the Arte of Navigation by the same R. N. 
Imprinted at London by J. East, for Richard Ballard, 1585." 
4to. Other editions 1596, 1604. In 1590 appeared " The 
Safeguard of Saylers, or Great Rutter, containing courses, 
distances, depths, soundings, flouds, and ebbes, with the 
markes for entering certaine harboroughs, translated out of 
Dutch into English by Robert Norman, Hydrographcr.'^ 
Edition ^^ newly corrected and augmented by E. Wright,^^ 
1612. 4to. Norman invented the dipping needle in 1576, 
and described the occasion of his discovery in the ^^ New 
John Feampton translated Medina in 1581. (See Medina.) 
Richard Polter. — " The Pathway to Perfect Sailing", 
1586. He held that different loadstones communicated dif- 
ferent degrees of variation to the magnetic needle. [Not 
published until 1 644. An absurd little book.] 

John Blagrave. — Second son of John Blagrave, of Bul- 
marsh Court, near Sunning. He was educated at Reading 
Grammar School, and St. John's College, Oxford. ^^ The 
Mathematicall Jewell, showing the making and most excel- 
lent use of a singular Instrument so called by John Bla- 
grave of Reading, gentleman. Imprinted at London by 
Thomas Dawson for Walter Kenge, dwelling in Fleete lane 
over against the Maidenhead." (1585, folio.) The same 
author published ^' Baculum familliare Catholica sive gene- 
rale. A Booke of the making and use of a Staffe newly 
invented by the author, called the Familiar Staffe. London : 
Printed by Hugh Jackson, dwelling in Fleete Street, a little 
beyond the Conduit at the signe of the St. John the Evan- 
gelist.^^ (1590. 4to.) ''Astrolobium Vranicum Generale. — A 
Necessary and Pleasaunt solace and recreation for Navigators 


in their long Jomeying, containing the ase of an Instrament 
or generall Astrolabe : newly for them devised by the author, 
to bring them skilfully acquainted with all the planets, starres^ 
and constellacions of the Heavens : and their courses^ mov- 
ings^ and apparences^ called the TJranicall Astrolabe. In 
which, agreeable to the Hipothesis of Nicolaus Copernicas, 
the Starry Firmament is appointed perpetually fixed, and 
the earth and his Horizons 'continually moving from West 
towards the East once about every 24 hours. Fraught also 
by now devise with all such necessary supplements for Jadi- 
ciall Astrology as Alkabitius and Claudius Dariothus have 
delivered by their tables. Whereunto for their further de- 
light he hath anexed another invention expressing in one 
face the whole globe terestrial with the two great English 
voyages lately performed round the world. Compiled by 
John Blagrave, of Eeading, gentleman, the same well- 
wisher to the mathematicks. Anno 1596." 

This map can be no other than the map by Hondius re- 
produced in "Drake's World Encompassed" (Hakluyt So- 

Devoting himself to his works on navigation, and mathe- 
catical studies, Mr. Blagrave never married. He lived at 
South cote Lodge, near Reading, and died there in 1611. 

Robert Tanner. — "A Mirror for Mathematiques. A 
Golden Gem for Geometricians : a sure safety for Saylers ; 
and an ancient antiquary for astronomers and astrologians : 
containing also an order how to make an astronomical in- 
strument called the Astrolab, with use thereof The head 
line is continuous, and runs thus " The Travailers joy and 
felicitie". 1587. 

Anthony Ashley translated Waqenaar in 1588. (See 

Emery Molyneux, Constructor of the Globes at the 
Middle Temple Library. (See Introduction.) 

Thomas Hood delivered lectures on navigation in the 
house of Sir Thomas Smith. He was a Doctor of Modi- 


cine, and also sold compasses constructed on Mr. Norman's 
principle, at his house near the Minories. (See Norman.) 
The copy of his speech made at the house of Mr, (afterwards 
Sir Thomas) Smith, in Gracious (now Gracechurch) Street, 
in November 1588, was published in the same year. It is 
in the British Museum. In 1590 appeared'^ The use of the 
Celestial Globe in piano, set forth in two hemispheres, by 
Thomas Hood.'' In the same year : '*The use of the Jacobs 
Staffe, also a dialogue touching the use of the Crosse Staffe, 
(Imprinted at London Jor Tobie Cook and Robert Dexter<i->* 
1590", 4to.) Also ^'The elements of Geometric, by La 
Ramee; translated by Thomas Hood." (London, 1590,^^''^/' 
16mo.) In 1592 Mr. Hood published'^ The use of both the (r'^-'^'^''*'-'" 
globes celestiall and terrestriall, most plainly delivered in 
forme of a dialogue : containing most pleasant and profitable 
conclusions for the mariner. Printed by Thomas Dawson." 
This book was written expressly for the Molyneux Globes. 
In the same year appeared "The Marriner's Guide set forth 
in forme of a dialogue, wherein the use of the plaine sea 
carde is brieflie and plainely delivered to the commoditie of 
all sort as have delight in navigation. Written by Thomas 
Hood." It is usually bound up with Bourne's '^ Regiment 
of the Sea" (see Bourne). Dr. Hood was the editor of the 
later editions of Bourne's " Regiment for the Sea." In 1596 
appeared "The use of the Mathematicall Instruments, the 
Crosse Staflfe diflfering from that in common use with the 
Mariners, and the Jacobs Staffe. Imprinted at London by 
vc ^^obQj*<Field for Robert Dexter. 1596." (4to.) In 1598 Mr. 
Hood published "The making and use of the Geometricall 
Instrument called a Sector." 

Dr. Hood was a graduate of Christ College, Cambridge, 
and was employed by Sir Robert Dudley. The only spe- 
cimen of the cartography of Hood that has come down to 
us is a manuscript chart of the West Indies dated 1592, 
preserved in Sir Robert Dudley's own copy of his Arcano 
de Mare at Florence. It was reproduced by Kunstmann 


in the Atlas to his ^^ Die Entdeckang Amerikas (Manchen^ 
1859, foL) 

Thomas Blundeville of Newton Flotman in Norfolk. — 
'^ A brief description of Universal Mappes and Gardes and 
of their use, and also the use of Ptolemy his tables. Lon- 
don, 1589.'' (4to.) In 1594 was published '' M. Blundevile his 
exercises containing sixe treatises verie necessarie to be 
read and learned by all young gentlemen that are desirous 
to have a knowledge as well in cosmographie, astronomie, 
and geographic, as also in the arte of navigation. London, 
1594." (4to.) This work was very popular, and there were 
new editions in 1597, 1613, 1622, and 1636. In 1602 
followed " The Theoriques of the seven planets, the making 
and description and use of two instruments for seamen to 
find out the latitude of any place without the helpe of 
sunne, moon, or starre. First invented by Dr. Gilbert, and 
now set down by Master Blundevile. London, 1602." (4to.) 

Simon Forman. — ^^The Grounds of Longitude, written 
by Simon Forman, student in astronomy, with an admoni- 
tion to all those that are incredulous and believe not in the 
truth of the same'' (1591). 

Robert Hues was born in Hereford in 1552, and studied 
at Oxford. He was the friend of Sir Walter Ealeigh and 
his executor, and received a pension from the Earl of 
Northumberland. He devoted himself to the study of 
navigation and made more than one voyage. He wrote a 
treatise for the Molynoux Globes entitled '' Tractatus de 
Globis et eorum usu, Londini editi sunt anno 1593, sumpt- 
ibus Gulielmi Sanderson civis Londinensis conscriptus a 
Roberti Hues, Londini. Id a3dibu3 Thoma9 Dawson, 1594'\ 
Svo. At the end of the '' Tractatus'' there is a valuable 
chapter on the rhumbs by Thomas Harriott, who had 
charge of Raleigh*s first expedition to Virginia. There is 
also a valuable " Index Geographicus" to the Globes, which 
serves equally well for the maps illustrating the present 
volume. Hues proposed the famous nautical problem. 


'^ The diflTerence of longitude and the distance being given, 
how to find the rhumb and the difference of latitude V 
The problem was afterwards proposed by Halley (Phil. 
Trans., vol. xix, No. 219). Hues died at Oxford in 1632, 
aged 79. The '^ Tractatus'^ of Hues was translated into 
Dutch by Pontanus, and afterwards into English. 

Thomas Harriott was born at Oxford in 1560. He went 
with Sir Eichard Grenville to Virginia, and, in 1588, was 
published his '* Report on Virginia^\ Also in Hakluyt, 
^^ Brief and true Report of the new found land of Virginia'\ 
He was Mathematical Tutor to Sir Walter Raleigh, a most 
learned mathematician, and a voluminous writer. He was 
patronised by the Earl of Northumberland, and, with Hues, 
attended him during his long captivity in the Tower. 
Harriott corresponded with Kepler, and made improvements 
in algebra. His great work on algebra was published in 
1601. His mathematical papers in manuscript are scat- 
tered. Some are in the British Museum (Pluto cxxiv), 
some at Sion House {Uist MSS. Comin. Report), and 
many at Petworth, where they were examined by Dr. Zach 
in 1784. [Appendix 6th Report Hist MSS, Comm,) He 
had a dreadful ulcer on his lip caused by a habit of putting 
instruments with verdigris on them into his mouth; of 
which he died on July 2nd, 1621. 

John Davis. — ^'The Seaman's Secrets." The first edi- 
tion is entered in the Register of the Stationers' Company 
as printed by Thomas Dawson, on September 3rd, 1594 
(Arber, ii, p. 312), but no example is known to exist. The 
second edition, of 1607, in the British Museum, is repro- 
duced in the present volume. The fourth edition, of 1626, 
is also in the British Museum. The eighth edition, of 1657, 
is in the Pepys Library at Cambridge (Sea Tracts, iv. No. 
18). The only copies known of '' The Worlde's Hydrogra- 
phical Description," by John Davis, are in the Grenville 
Library at the British Museum (7278), and at the Lenox 


Library at New York. It is reprinted in the second (1812) 
edition of Hakluyt. 

William Barlow, a clergyman. — ''TheNavigator^s Supply, 
containing many things of principal importance belonging 
to Navigation'* (London, 1597, 4to.) Mr. Barlow describes 
the azimuth compass with two upright sights, and dis- 
courses well and largely on the sea compass. 
^ (^Edwa rd WBiQHTJ) of Garveston in Norfolk, was bom in 

1560; and was educated at Gonville and Cains College, 
Cambridge. He was a great mathematician and astronomer, 
and expert in making scientific instruments. He was 
lecturer on navigation for the East India Company, and 
delivered his lectures in the house of Sir T. Smith. He 
made the voyage with the Earl of Cumberland in 1589, of 
which he wrote an account. It is reprinted in the present 
volume. Wright was mathematical tutor to Prince Henry, 
and was appoii^ted in 1616 to perfect the charts of the 
East India Company, with a salary of £50 a year; but he 
died in the same year. 

Wright discovered the principle of the projection for sea 
charts, generally known as Mercator's Projection. In 1599 
he published his *' Certain errors in Navigation detected 
and corrected" ; in which he fully explains the principle of 
the projection ; and gives a table of meridional parts. The 
second edition, dedicated to Prince Henry, appeared in 
1610. The third, in 1657, was edited by Moxon. Wright 
also worked with Briggs at the introduction of the use of 
logarithms, and translated Napier's *' Logarithmorum De- 
scriptio^', which was published by his son Samuel Wright, 
and dedicated to the East India Company. He also trans- 
lated the '' Haven Finding Art'' {Portuum Invest igandorutn 
Ratio) of Stevinus in 1599, which was bound up with the 
X y / third edition of the " Certain Errors". Wright was almost 
I certainly the author of the ''New Map", which is repro- 
\ duced in the present volume. See Mr. Coote's Note. 

William Gilbert, a native of Colchester, was born in 

tC r^ 



1540. He was a Cambridge Graduate, and was a Doctor of 
Medicine. Dr. Gilbert discovered some properties of the 
loadstone, and wrote, '' De Magneto Magneticisque corpori- 
bus et de magno magnete tellure, Physiologia nova^' 
(London, 1600, fol.) It contained many suggestions for 
improvements in navigation. Dr. Gilbert died in 1603. 

Anthony Lynton. — '^Newes of the complement of the 
Art of Navigation, and of the mightie empire of Cataia ; 
together with the Straits of Anian" (London, Felix Kynas- 
ton, 1602, 4to.) 

Henry Beiggs was bom in Yorkshire in 1556, and died 
at Oxford in 1630, where he was Professor of Geometry. 
He promoted the use of logarithms, and for this purpose 
made a journey to Edinburgh to discuss the matter with 
Napier. In 1624 Briggs published his ^'Arithmetica Loga- 
rithmica^'. In the second edition of Wright's '' Certain 
Errors'' are Briggs's ''Tables for the Improvement of 
Navigation" 1610. He also published the six first books of 
Euclid in 1620, and a treatise on the North-West Passage 
in 1622. He was a great encourager and promoter of 
Arctic discovery. 

Sir Eobeet Dudley. — ''Dell Arcane de Mare di D. 
D. Ruberto Dudleo, Duca di Northumbria e Conte di War- 
wick. Libri Sei." (Firenze, 3 vols., folio, 1646; second edi- 
tion, 1661.) This superb work contains a complete atlas 
of maps, treatises on navigation, and fine plates of all the 
instruments in use on board ship. (See Introduction.) 

Henry Hexham. — " Atlas or a Geographicke description 
of the regions, countries, and kingdomes of the world, 
through Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, represented by 
new and exact maps : translated by Henry Hexham, Quarter 
Master to the regiment of Colonel Goring" (2 vols., folio). 
Amsterdam by Henry Hondius and John Johnson. Dedi- 
cated to Charles I, 1636. In the preface, Hexham says 
that he undertook the translation at the request of Henry 
Hondius, in order to make known the laborious work of 


Gerard Mercator and Jodocus Hondius. He says it is a 
translation of the Atlas Major, enlarged and augmented out 
of many worthy authors. This is a superb work, Hexham 
was a gallant soldier and accomplished writer. He began 
his military career as page to Sir Francis Vere at the 
siege of Ostend. 

RuDSTON, Master. — A mathematician mentioned by Baffin 
as having worked out his observations taken during hi^ 
voyage to Hudson's Bay in 1615. Among the Harriott 
MSS. there is a letter from Master Rudston, dated 1615, 
relating to the variation of the compass. 

Seaele? — Mentioned by Baffin as the author of an 
Ephemeris which he used in 1615 in his voyage to Hud- 
son's Bay. 

Edmund Gunteb was bom in 1581^ and was educated at 
Westminster under Busby, and at Christ Church, Oxford. 
In 1619 he became Professor of Astronomy at Gresham 
College, and he died while holding that appointment in 
1626. In 1620 he published his '^ Canon Triangulorum'*, 
tables of artificial sines and tangents, with Briggs's loga- 
rithms of common numbers. In 1622 he discovered the 
variation or changeable declination of the magnetic needle. 
He also applied the logarithms of numbers, and of sines 
and tangents to straight lines drawn on a scale or ruler. 
This was called Gunter's Scale. He introduced the mea- 
suring chain, and was the first who used the term cosine 
for the sine of the complement of an arc. 



Adclard - - 840(«.) 
Agrippa, Camillo - - 849 
Alfonce Jan - - 354 
Almanacs (see Ephemerides). 
Alphonsine 'I'ables - - 341 


Angelas - 

Appianus, Petrus - 
ARhley, Anthony - 
Bacon, Roger 
Barlow, William 

. 344 

. 344 

- 360 

- 364 




- 342 

- 343 

- 354 

- 359 

- 349 

- 302 

- 357 

- 365 

- 856 

- 349 

- 341 

- 346 

- 346 

- 351 

- 355 

- 347 

- 355 
. 363 

- 358 

- 356 
. 305 

- 356 

Enciso, Martin Fernandez - 345 
Ephemerides (see Regiomon- 

tanuSy Angelas, Stoefler, 
Everart^ Stadius, Origanus, 
Bourne, Searle). 
Everart, Martin - - 350 

Forman, Simon - - 362 

Frampton, John - - 359 

Gemma, Frisiua - - 349 

Gerritz, Adrian - - 352 

Gilbert, William - - 364 

Guevara, Antonio do - 345 

Gunter, Edmund - - 366 

Harriott, Thomas - - 363 

HcUowes, Edward . - 358 

Hexham, Henry - - 365 

Holywood, J. (see Sacrobosco). 
Houdius, Jodocus - - 351 

Hood, Thomas - - 301 

Hues, Robert - - 362 

Batcombe, AVilliam 
Behaim, Martin 
Belforest, Francois - 
Blagrave, John 
Blondus, Mich. Ang. 
Blundeville, Thomas 
Bourne, William - 
Briggs, Henry 
Burrough, Stephen 
Calderini, Appol. - 
Chaucer, Geoffrey 
Chaves, Alonzo de - 
Chaves, Geronimo de 
Coignet, Michel 
Copland, William - 
Cortes, Martin 
Cunningham, William 
Davis, John 
Dee, Dr. - 
Diggcs, Thomas 
Dudley, Sir Robert 
Eden, Richard 


Langeren, Jacob Florisz van - 352 
Ley, H enrich Jaricha van der 353 

Lynton, Anthony - - 365 

Medina, Pedro de - - 348 

Mercator, Gerhard - 350 

Molyneux, Emery - - 360 
Muller, Johann (see Rcgio- 


Mnnster, Sebastian - 343 
Neckam, Alexander 340(n.) 

Nicholas of Lynne - - 342 

Norman, Robert - - 358 

Nunez, Pedro - - 344 

Origanus, David - - 351 

Ortelius, Abraham - 350 

Peckham, John - - 341 

Pietersz, Nicholas - - 352 

Plancius, Peter - - 351 

Polter, Richard - - 359 

Portolano - - 349 

Proude, Richard - - 355 

Purbach, George - - 842 
Ramusio, Giovanni Baptista - 349 

Regiomontanufl - - 342 

Routiers and Rutters - 354 

Rudston, Master - -366 

Sacrobosco - - 340 
Sanchez Aionzo, dc Huelva - 344 

Searle - - - 366 

Stadius, Johannes - - 351 

Stempels, Gerrit - - 352 

Stevin, Simon - . 353 

Stoefler - - - 34S 

Syverts, Mathijs - - 352 

Taisnerius, Johannes - 356 

Tanner, Robert - . 360 

Tlievet, Andre F. - - 354 

Veen, Adriaan - - 352 

Wagenaar, Lucas Jansz - 853 

AVerner, John - - 343 

Weight, Edward - - 364 

Zamorano, Rodrigo - 346 

. I 


The Letters patents of the Queenes Majestie, 

graunted to Master Adrian Gylbert and others, for the search 
and discoverie of the North-west Passage to China. 

Elizabeth, by the grace of God of England, Praunce, and 
Ireland, Queene, defender of the fay the, etc. To all to 
whome these presents shall come, greeting : Forasmuch as 
our trustie and well-beloved subject, Adrian Gylbert, of 
Sandridge, in the Countie of Devon, Gentleman, to his 
great costes and charges, hath greatly aud earnestly 
travailed and sought, and yet doth travel and seeke, and by 
divers meanes indevoureth and laboureth, that the Passage 
unto China and the lies of Molluccas, by the Northwest- 
ward, Northeastwarde, or Northwarde, unto which part or 
partes of the worlde, none of our Loyall subjectes have 
hitherto had any traffike or trade, may be discovered, 
knowen, and frequented by the subjects of this our Bealme : 
know ye therefore that for the considerations aforesayd, and 
for divers other good considerations^ us thereunto specially 
moving. We of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge and 
meere motion, have given and graunted, and by these 
presents for us, our heires and successors, doe give and 
graunt free libertie, power, and full authoritie to the sayd 
Adrian Gylbert, and to any other person by him or his 
heires to be assigned, and to those his Associates and 
assistants, whose names are written in a sedule hereunto 

' Probably the "divers other good considerations^* refer to the share 
in the profits which Her Majesty intended to claim. 


annexed^ and to their heires, and to one assignee of eche 
of them, and ech of their heires at all timeSj and at any time 
or times after the date of these presents, under our Banners 
and Ensignes freely, without letj interruption, or restraint 
of us, our heires or successors, any lawe, statute, proclama- 
tion, patent, charter, or proviso to the contrary notwith- 
standing, to sayle, make voyage, and by any manor of 
meanes to passe and to depart out of this our Bealme of 
Englande, or any our fiealmes. Dominions, or Territories 
into all or any lies. Countries, Regions, Provinces, Terri- 
tories, Seas, Rivers, Portes, Bayes, Creekes, armes of the 
Sea, and all Havens, and all manor of other places what- 
soever, that by the sayd Northwestward, Northeastward, or 
Northward, is to be by him, his associates or assignees dis- 
covered, and for and in the sayde sayling, voyage, and 
passage, to have and use so many ships. Barks, Pinnesses, 
or other vessels of any quantitie or burthen, with all the 
furniture of men, victuals, and all manor of necessary 
provision, armour, weapons, ordinance, targets, and appur- 
tenances whatsoever, as to such a voyage shall or may be 
requisite, convenient or commodious, any lawe, statute^ 
ordinance or proviso to the contrarie thereof notwith- 
standing. And also we doe give and graunt to the sayde 
Adrian Gylbertj and his said associates, and to such 
assignee of him and his heires and to the heires and one 
assignee of every of his sayde associates for ever, full 
power and absolute authoritie to trade and make their 
resiance in any of the sayd lies. Countries, Regions, 
Provinces, Territories, Seas, Rivers, Portes, Bayes, and 
Havens, and all manor of other places whatsoever, with all 
commodities, profites, and emoluments in the sayd place or 
any of them, growing and arising, with all manor of 
privileges, prerogatives, jurisdictions, and royalties both by 
sea and land whatsoever, yeelding and paying therefore unto 
us, our heires and successors, the tenth part of all such 

B B 


golde and silver oare, pearles, jewelsj and precioas stones, 
or the value thereof^ as the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his 
sayd associates^ their heires and assignees, servants^ factors, 
or workemen, and every or any of them shall finde, the 
sayd tenth to be delivered duely to our customer, or other 
officers by us, our heires or successors thereunto assigned, 
in the Fortes of London, Dartmouth, or Plymmoath, at 
which three places onely the sayd Adrian Gylbert, and his 
sayd associates, their sayd heires and assignes, shall lade, 
charge, arrive, and discharge all maner of wares, goods, 
and marchandizes whatsoever to the sayd voyage, and newe 
trade belonging or appertaining. And moreover, we have 
given, graunted, and authorized, and by these presents for 
us, our heires and successors, of our grace especiall, 
certaine knowledge, and meere motion, doe g^ve, gpraunt, 
and authorize the sayd Adrian Oylbert, and his sayd 
associates for ever, their heires, and their sayde assignes 
and every of them, that if the aforesayd lies. Countries, 
Regions, Provinces, Territories, Seas, Rivers, Portes, Bayes, 
or Havens, or any other of the premisses by the sayd Adrian 
Gilbert or his associates, their heires and their sayd 
assignes, or any of them to be found by them discovered and 
traffiked unto by any trade as aforesayde, shall be by any 
other our subjects visited, frequented, haunted, traded unto 
or inhabited by the wayes aforesayd, without the speciall 
licence in writing of the sayd Adrian Gilbert and his 
associates, and their heires and assignes for ever, or by 
the most part of them, so that the sayd Adrian Oylbert, 
his heires or assignes be one of them, that then as 
well their shippe, or shippes, in any such voyage or 
voyages used, as all and singular their goods, wares, and 
marchandizes, or any other things whatsoener, from or to 
any of the places aforesayd transported, that so shal pre- 
sume to visit, frequent, haunt, trade unto, or inhabite, shal 
be forfaited and confiscated ipso facto, the one halfe of the 



same goods and marchandizeSj or other things whatsoever^ 
or the value thereof to be to the use of os^ oar heires or 
snccessonrs^ and the other moytie thereof^ to be to the use 
of the said Adrian Oylbert^ and his said associateSj their 
heires and assignes wee impose^ give, assigne, create and 
confirme this name peculiar to be named by^ to sue and to 
be sued by^ that is to wit, by the name of the colleagues of 
the fellowship for the discoverie of the Northwest passage 
and them for us^ our heires and successours by that name 
doe incorporate^ and do erect and create as one body cor- 
porate to have continuance for ever. Moreover unto the 
sayd Adrian Gylbert, and his sayd associates^ and unto their 
heires and their sayd assignes for ever^ by name of the col* 
leagues of the fellowship^ for the discoverie of the North- 
west passage^ we have given^ graunted, and confirmed, and 
doe by these presents give^ graunt, and confirme full power 
and authoritie from time to time^ and at all times hereafter^ 
to make^ order^ decree^ and enacts constitute and ordeine 
and appoint all such ordinances^ orders^ decrees, lawes, and 
acts, as the sayd newe corporation or body politique, col- 
leagues of the fellowship for the discoverie of the North- 
west passage, shall thinke meete, necessary, and convenient 
so that they or any of them be not contrary to the lawes of 
this realme, and of this our present graunt. 

And wee by our Boyall prerogative, and fulnesse of our 
authoritie of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge and 
meere motion, doe establish, confirme and ratifie all such 
ordinances, orders, decrees, lawes and acts to be in so ful 
and great power and authoritie, as we, our heires or suc- 
cessours may or can in any such case graunt, confirme, or 
ratifie. And farther, for the better incouragement of our 
loving subjects in this discoverie, wee by our Boyall prero- 
gative, and fulnesse of our authoritie, for us, our heires 
and successours, doe give, graunt, establish, confirme, or- 
deine, ratifie and allowe by these presents, to the sayd 

BB 2 


Adrian Oylbert and to his associates, and to the heires and 
assignes of them and every of them for ever^ and to all 
other person or persons of oar loving subjects whatsoever 
that shall hereafter travell^ sayle, discover, or make voyage 
as aforesayd to any the lies, Mainelands, Countries, or 
Territories whatsoever, by virtue of this our graunt to be 
discovered, that the heires and assignes of them and every 
of them being come within any of the lies, Mainelands and 
Countries, or Territories whatsoever before mentioned, shall 
have and enjoy all the privileges of free Denizens, as per- 
sons native borne within this our Bealme of England, or 
within our allegiance for ever, in such like ample manor 
and forme, as if they were or had been borne and person- 
ally resiant within our sayde Realme, any lawe, statute, 
proclamation, custome, or usage to the coutrarie hereof 
in any wise notwithstanding. Moreover, for the considera- 
tion aforesayde by virtue hereof, wee give and graunt unto 
the sayde Adrian Gylbert, his heires and assignes for ever^ 
free libertie, licence and privilege, that during the space of 
five yeeres next and immediately ensuing the date hereof, 
it shal not be lawfuU for any person or persons whatsoever, 
to visite, haunt, frequent, trade, or make voyage to any 
lies, Mainelands, Countries, Begions, Provinces, Territo- 
ries, Seas, Rivers, Portes, Bayes, and Havens, nor to any 
other Havens or places whatsoever hitherto not yet disco- 
vered, by any of our subjects by vertue of this graunt to be 
traded unto, without the speciall consent and good liking 
of the sayd Adrian Gylbert, his heires and assignes first 
had in writing. And if any person or persons of the asso- 
ciates of the sayde Adrian, his heires or assignes, or any 
other person or persons whatsoever, free of this discoverie, 
shall doe any act or acts contrary to the tenour and true 
meaning hereof, during the space of the sayde five yeeres, 
that then the partie and parties so ofiending, they and 
their heires for ever, shall loose {ipso facto) the benefite and 



privilege of this our graunt, and shall stand and remaine to 
aU intents and purposes as persons exempted out of this 
graunt : And further, by vertue hereof^ we give and graunt 
for us^ our heires and successours, at all times during the 
space of five yeeres next ensuing the date hereof, free 
libertie and licence, and full authoritie to the sayd Adrian 
Oylbert, and his heires and assignes, that if it shall happen 
any one or moe in any shippe or shippes sayling on their 
sayde voyage, to become mutinous, seditious, disorderly, or 
any way unruly, to the prejudice or hinderance of the hope 
for successe in the attempt or prosecution of this discoverie 
or trade intended, to use or execute upon him or them so 
offending, such punishment, correction, or execution as the 
cause shall be found in justice to require by the verdict of 
twelve of the companie sworne thereunto, as in such case 
appertaineth. That expresse mention of the certainetie of 
the premises, or of other gifbes or graunts by us to the 
sayde Adrian Gylbert and his associates before this time 
made is not mentioned in these presents, or any other 
lawe, act, statute, proviso, graunt, or proclamation, hereto- 
fore made or hereafter to be made, to the contrary hereof, 
in any wise notwithstanding. 

In witnesse whereof we have caused these our Letters 
to be made patents. 

Witnesse our selfe at Westminster, the sixt day of Feb- 
ruarie, in the sixe and twentie yeere of our Beigne. 


Abbing, aiwigtant on board the Lum- 
esSf IxY 

Achen, Ixx, 130 ; language, 131 ; arri- 
val at, 140 ; deflcription, 147 ; go- 
vernment, 150 ; coina, 162 ; king- 
dom, 153, 171 ; attack on Dutch at^ 

Adams, Luke, one of the crew of the 
Sunshiney 2 

Adelard, 840 n. 

Aden, 180 

Aertbrugge, Jan van den, assistant 
in LtoUf Ixv 

Agrippa, Camillo, 849 

AgulioB, Cape, 186 n. 

Aladin, Sultan, King of Achen, 147 

Alarcon, Hernando, 212 n. 

Alard, Richard, signed testunomal on 
board Detire, 106 

Alcatraz, bird, 158 n., 159, 211 

Alder trees, in Labrador, 29 

Alert, H.M.S., passing Hope Sander- 
son, XXX 

Alfonce, Jan, 354 

Alls, kingdom of, 211 

Almanacs, «ee Ephemerides 

Almicanters, defined, 301 

Almirante, shoal of, 138 n. 

Alphonsine tables, 341 

Als Effeme, Captain Lister drowned 
off, 91 

Altitude, sun's, 264, 284, 321, tee 
Quarta Altitude, Pole's Height 

Alum, mines of, in Dingle Bay, 90 

Ambojna, 180 n. 

America, 199, proved to be an island, 
202, 218 ; northern part all islands, 

Amsterdam, company of merchants of, 
Ixiv ; trade with Iceland, 220 

Anchor, stolen by Eskimos, 23 ; kedge, 
29 n. 

Angelas, author of Ephemerides, 844 

Anglicus, Robertus, 842 

Angola, trade of Spanish and Portu- 
guese to, 201 

Angra, a town of Terceira, 71, 73 

Antarctick polar circle, 297, 301 

Antelope, 162 

Antonio, Don, of Portugal, ~a friend of 
the Earl of Cumberland, 63, 72 ; a 
pensioner, oousin to a servant of, 69 

Antony, Wul, heroic conduct of, 86 

Antwerp, Gutiero's chart engraved at, 
108 f». 

Apples growing at Labrador, 29 

Appianus, Petnis, 844 

Aquavita), 148 n. 

Aratana, 157 n» 

Arabia, 199 

Arcano del mare, $ee Dudley 

Arctic, see Artick; tee also Polar Ex- 

Areca betula, betel nut, 149 n. 

Arithmetical navigation, tee Naviga- 

Arquebus, 175 ti. 

Arte de Navegar, Spanish work on na- 
vigation, li, lii, 848 ; tee Medina 

Arthur, Walter, one of the crew of 
the Sunthinef 2 

Artick Polar Circle, 296, 297, 301 

Ascension Isles, Falkland Isles, so- 
called, 108 n. 

Ascension, Island of, 156, 161 n. 

Ashley, Anthony, 860 

Ashton, Mrs. Katherine, aunt of Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert, v 

Aske, Wm., one of the crew of the 
Sunthine, 33 

Astrolabe, 240, 385, 836 ; use in navi- 
gation invented by Behaim, li; works 
on, 341, 359 

Augustin, Cape, 133 »., 134 

Ausuame, one of the Comoro Isles, 
137 ; same as Johanna Id., 188 

Austin, John, signs testimonial on 
board the Vetire, 106 

Axis of the earth, 803 ; of the zodiac, 

Azores, Cumberland's voyage to, 60, 62 

Azumuth (Azimuth), 242; circles of, 
800, 818, 319 

Baas, Dutch term for master, 134 n., 

and pattim ; murdered, 144 
Baboons, 162 n. 
Bacon, Roger, 840 n. 



Back staff, nautical mstniment, M; 
tee also 830, 831, 832. See Croes 
Baffin, his Defence of Davis, xxxii 
Baffin's Bay, middle pack of, xxxi, 

45 n. 
Bagge, John, gunner of the Sunshine, 2 
Bahia, 93 n. 
Baker, Matthew, ship builder, account 

of, 235 fi. 
Baker, T., hdii 
Balaghat, 130 n. 
Baldivia, see Yaldivia 
Bantam, 171 n., 172, 178, 188 
Baptism in Ireland, mode of, 90 
Barbary hens found in Labrador, 29 
Bark of Lime, a ship of Sir W. Ra- 
leigh, XXX vii, 65 
Barlow, Wm. , work of nayigation, 864 
Barnes, Alderman Sir Qeorge, ix 
Barricados, definition of, 68 n. 
Barrow, Sir John, errors in hid ac- 
count of Davis, Ixxxi 
Batu Island, 168 n. 
Batcombe, William, 342 
Baudeus, Jacques, cashier of the Lion, 

Bayd, tee Bahia 

Bears, black, found in Labrador, 29 
■ Polar, hunt, 10 ; some seen, 47 

Bear Haven, Desire arrives at, 127 
Bedford, Captain, his Sailor's Pocket 

Book, quoted, 277 n. 
Beer, taken in for the Victory, 91 
Behaim, Martin, 1 ; account of. 343 
Belforest, Frangois, work on naviga- 
tion, 854 
Bellisle, Strait of, 29 n, 
Bengala, Porto Qrande in, 130 
Benin, see Bynny 
Benjamin, signs testimonial on board 

Desire, 106 
Benjamin balsam, 175 n., 180 
Betel nut, 149 n. 
Bhar, a weight at Achen, 152 
Bintang, Id., 176, 179n. 
Biographica Britannica, notice of 

Davis in, Ixxx 
Birch in Labrador, 29 ; in Gilbert 

Sound, 9 
Birds, beating on the water an indi- 
cation of fish, 5 ; made of bone, 12 ; 
brought off by Eskimos, 17, 44 ; 
seen in Gilbert Sound, 18 ; gulls, 

28 ; Barbary hens, 29 ; pheasants, 

29 ; partridges, 12, 29 ; falcon, 14, 
18, 220 ; geese, 29 ; ducks, 29 ; jays, 
29 ; blackbirds, 29 ; thrushes, 29 ; 
marvellous great store of, 29 ; cor- 
tinous, sea-bird, so called, 43 ; larks, 

12, 18 ; linneta, 18 ; gripes, 18 ; 

mews, 28 ; penguins, 107, 118, 122 ; 

pelicans, 113, 158 n. : ravens, 11, 

12, 18, 220; snyte (snix>e) 14 ».; 

pasharoboues (gannets), 158 st. ; &!• 

catrazes(pelicans),158n.,159; turtle 

doves, 159 ; tropic bird, 166 n. ; 

lanards, 220 n, ; sparrow hawks, 220 ; 

crows, 220 
Biscayan, ship supposed to be, 48 
Bishop and his clerks, rocks off Scilly, 

82 fi. ; Christmas spent off, 91 
Blackbirds found in Labrador, 29 
Black pinnace, one of CaTendioh's 

fleet, xli, xlii, xlix, 98 ; at capture of 

Santos, 94 ; goes to Port Deure, 100, 

105 ; loss of, 118 
Blagrave, J., work on navigation, 359 
Blondius, Michael Angelo, 349 
Blundeville, Thomas, his exenasea, a 

work on navigation, bdn., Ixxxix,862 
Boar spear, stolen by Eskimos, 19 
Boats, cut from stem by Eskimos, 23 ; 

Icelandic, 34 ; injured by Eskimos, 

42 ; seen coming from Terceira, 65 ; 

lost off Cape Froward, 99 ; sent for 

cocoa-nuts, 167 
Boatswain of Sunshine, 2 ; of Jfoon* 

<A»n€, hurt by a stone, 23 ; of Detire^ 

reveals a plot, 102; signs testimo- 
nial, 106 
Boatswain's mate, signs Desire testi- 
monial, 106 
Bombast plant at Fernando Noronha, 

160 «. 
Bonitos, 157 n. 
Bona Esperanza, Cape, 186, 156, 198, 

199, 201 
Borden, Rd., one of the crew of Sun^ 

shine, 33 
Borough, Wm., work on the magnetic 

needle, 358 
Borrough, Stephen, a pilot, 200, 356 
Borrowes, see Burrough 
Boswell, Captain, sa^ with Earl of 

Cumberland, 60 
Bourchier, Lady Dorothy, iv 
Bourne, W., work on navigation, liii, 

275 n., 280 n. ; account of, 357 
Mr. Fox, his account of Davia^ 

Brasill, a promontory of Terceira, 71 ; 

castle of strongly fortified, 74 
Brass, mines at Dingle Bay, 90 
Brazil, prize made of, a ship from, 77; 

80 ; Candish arrives on coast of, 93 ; 

resolves to return to, 98 
Brazil wood, 79 n. ; ship laden with, 

80 n. 
Breach, definition of, 118 »., 168 




Bremen, capture of ship from, 61 

BriggB, Hemy, account of, liv n., 865 

Broker, Hugh, one of crew of Sun- 
shinCj 83 

Brug, Martin Everart, account of, 850 

Bruskome, John, one of crew of Sun- 
shine, 38 

Bruton, Wul, captain of the Moon- 
shinef 2 ; brings musicians to allure 
the natives, 7 ; takes from a falcon 
its prey, 1 i ; consulted regarding 
leakage of the BUen, 42 ; he courses 
with dogs, 46 

Buffis, see BuffiJos 

Bufiisdos, Cape, 185 n., 146 ti. 

Bullet, silver, made to shoot Davis, 
102 n. 

lead, used to quench thirst, 84 

Burial of a seaman, 24 

place, Eskimo, 22 

Burrough, Stephen, 200, 856. See 

Bus, an assistant in the LionesSf Ixv 

Bynny (Benin), 201 

Cables cut by Eskimos, 19, 28 ; of 
anchor, parts in a storm, 80 

Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez, 218 n. 

Cabot, Sebastian, 195 n. 

Calais, capture of a ship from, 61 

Calamint, 136 ti. 

Calderini, Appol, 849 

Caliver, stolen by Eskimos, 19 ; de- 
scription of, 20 f». ; shot off, to 
frighten natives, 86 

Callacut, Cape, 199 

Callafomia, 199 

Cambaia, 130 

Camorin, 140 

Canary Isles, 214 

Cancer, tropic of, 295 

Candish, see Cavendish 

Canoe, seen, 5 ; Eskimos in, 7, 16 ; 
purchase of, 8 ; model found, 12 ; 
three seen, 26 

Canton, 130, 201 

Cape of Good Hope, or Bona Espe- 
ranza, 136, 156, 198, 199, 201 

— Bedford, xxxv 

Callacut, 199 

Chelyuskin, 199 n. 

Chidley, 47 n. 

aear, 38 

Deseado, 115 ». 

' Das Agulias, 186 

Desolation, 206 

Discord, 4 n., 85 n, 

Dyer, 10 

Farewell, 15 n. 

Frio, 98, 126 

Cape Froward, 96 n. 

God's Mercy, xxiv, 11, 27 n. 

Malacca, 199 

North, 216 

Ram's Head, 92 n. 

Romano, 186 

St. Augustine, 188 fi., 186, 156, 


Santa Maria, 208 n. (or Virgins) 

Tabin, 199 »., 201, 214 

Tingeran, 178 

Verde, 188 ti., 199, 214 

Virgin's, 109 »., 208 n. 

See Sanderson's Hope 

Warwick Foreland, xzzvi, 46 

Capelin, dry, bought from Eskimos, 17, 
44 ; great store found, 17, 22 ; Es- 
kimo prisoner lives on, 24 

Capricorn, tropic of, 295 

Caracks, 159 n. ;depsated from Teroeira, 
62 ; intelligence of, 64 ; relinquish 
hope of seeing, 65 

Caravels, 156 1». ; one of Lord Cumber- 
land's squadron, 60 ; Mr. Pigeon, 
captain of, 60 ; chase of a Spanish^ 
62 ; sent on a cutting out expedi- 
tion, 64, 70 

Careless, Edward, see Wright 

Carpenters of Sunshine, 2, 88 

Carrack, see Carack 

Carter, Mark, master's mate of Sun* 
shinty 38 

Carthagena, 60 

Canr, Sir Geox^, Cavendish leaves 
£esire to, xliv, xlv 

Cassava meal, 94 n., 128 

Cash, a weight at Achen, 152n 

CastUion, see Skime 

Cat-fish, obtained in Iceland, 84 

Catt, a weight at Achen, 152 n. 

Cavendish, Thomas, xli ; admiral of 
the expedition, 98 ; lus accusation 
against Davis, xli, xliv, 282, 288; 
account of his voyage, xliii; goes on 
board Desire, 96 ; saib from Straits 
of Magellan, 99 ; his account of the 
separation of ships, 99 n.; his death, 
xliv, xlv, 100 n. ; last wishes, xlv 

Cedar at Fayal, 68 

Cefala, see Sofola 

Ceremonies at Achen, 149 

Cette, kingdom of, 211 

Ceuera, 211 

Cevola, "seven dties" of 211 n. 

Champemon, Sir Philip, of Modbury, 


Charles V, charts constructed for, 

108 n. 
Charts of Sanderson, allusion to, by 

Davis, 82 ; Gutiera's, 108 fi. ; of FUk- 



land net, 108 n. ; Dr. Kohl*s work on, 
108 n. ; plan of Magellan's Strait, 
117 ; Planciu8,108n.; Diego Ribero, 
108 n. ; want of, in Davis's first 
yoyage, 205 ; description of, 271, 
272 ; latitude known by, 278 ; dis- 
tances of places found on, 274 ; 
questions for learning use of, 278 ; 
definition of, 285 

Charter of incorporation, East India 
Company, Ixxi 

Chaucer, quotation from, ii ; treatise 
on the astrolabe, 841 

Chaves, Alonzo de, 846 ; Hieronymo 
de, 885, 346 

Chidley, Cape, name given by Davis, 
47 n. 

Chile, 200 

China dishes, 80 n. 

voyage for discovery of pas- 
sage to, 39, 98 ; two ships of, taken, 
182; N.W. passage to doubtful, 
195, 199 ; ocean of, 201 

Chersonesus of Malacca, 174 

Christmas Day, 82, 91 

Chuli, 200 

Chudleigh, see Chidley 

Churches, orders given to respect, 68 

Churchyard, John, pilot, 42 

Circles appertaining to l^e globe, 800; 
of azimuth, 300 ; of altitude, 801 ; 
Arctic and Antarctic, 801 : use of, 

Cities, ''the seven", 211 n. 

Citta, kingdom of, 211 

Clark, Middleborough merchant, 
owner of a ship for India, 182 

Claverhouse, killed by a silver bullet, 
102 n. 

Clear, Cape, sighted, 88 

aiffs, like gold, 9 

Climate, Arctic not intolerable, 218, 
220 ; the division of the earth into, 

Clincker, The Ellen, 89 n. 

Cocke, Master, captain of Roebuck, xli, 
93 ; captures town of Sanatos, 94 ; 
endures great extremities, 95 ; 
spoken to by Davis, 98 

Cochin, 130 n. 140 

Cochineal, ship laden with, 80 

Cocos trees, 189 ; nuts brought on 
board, 65, 167 ; on islands, 167 

Cod, xxiv,l 1 n. ; brought ofiTby Eskimos, 
17 ; quantity caught, 28, 29, 208 ; 
presented to Lord Treasurer, 209 

Coignet, Michel, work on navigation, 351 

Cold weather, allowance of provisions 
increased in, 5; caused by wind 
blowing oflf ice, 6. See Climate 

Cole, Alexander, signs Dttire testi- 
monial, 106 

Cole, James, bandsman in Suntkine, 2 

Colombo, ISO n. 

Columbus, 214 n. 

Colures, definition, 290, 294, 295 

Comoro Islands, Dutch ships at^ list 
of the islands, 137 

Company, East India, sec Charter, mc 
East India Company 

Compass, definition, 241 ; use of, 241, 
275 ; time known by, 242 ; varia- 
tion of, 44, 46, 197 ; disooveriea by 
Norman, 358, 859 ; by Qilbert^ 
864 ; paradoxall compass, 240 n. 

Coney Island, 162 n. 

Coulan, see Quilon 

Coote, Mr., thanks to, for his Memoir 
on the New Map, Ixxvii 

Copland, William, 355 

Copper, in possession of Eskimos, 20 

Copstone, Francis, signs Detire testi- 
monial, 106 

Corinths, 9 n. 

Comey, Mr. Bolton, notes on events 
in lite of Davis, Ixxxii 

Comish, Robt., bandsman in Sun^ 

Coronado, Francisco Vasquec, 211. 
212 n., 215 

Corpo Santo, 164 n. 

Corse, see Course 

Corsini, Philip, an Italian merchant ; 
lawsuit owing to capture of hia 

Cortereal, Gaspar, and Arctic voyages 
of, 195 n. 

Cortes, Heman, 212 n. 

Cortes, Martin, work on navigation, li ; 
account of, 347 

Cortinous, sea bird so called, 48 

Cotton, Captain, xli 

Cotton, Sir Robert, xv n. 

Cotton, Randolph, captain of DainUe, 
93 ; comes on board Desire aa 
Davis's guest, 95 ; signs Desire tes- 
timonial, 106 

Cotton, Mr. W., work on Elisabethan 
Guild at Exeter, xvi 

Course, questions, 279; definition, 240, 
311; how known, 278; column for 
in log book, 282 ; horizontal course, 
312, 313 ; on a great circle, 314 ; in 
paradoxal sailing, 815 

Courts martial, provision for, xii i». 

Coxworthie, Rt., crew of Sunshine, 2 

Coymans, Thomas, cashier of Lioness, 

Crease, 140 n. 

Crews, lists of Sunshine, 2, 33 ; Moon* 



Mne, 2 ; testimonial of, in Dttirt^ 
108 ; list of, in Duirt who signed 
memorial, 106 ; crew of Duirt put 
on an allowance, 122 ; dreadful con* 
dition of, on board the Duirt ^ 117 ; 
difitruat their captain, 119 ; at- 
tacked, 124 ; Bufferings, xlvi, 85, 127 

Cross found on a grave in Green- 
land, 18 

Crosse, Ralph, his journal, Izziy 

Crosse, William, boatswain of Su%» 
skint, 2 

Cross staff, use of described in early 
works on navigation, lii; improve- 
mentinvented by Davia,lvi, 383; defi- 
nition by Davis, 263, 827; directions 
for mskmg, 328, 329, 380, 381 ; direc- 
tions for use, 882, 333 ; first men- 
tioned by Werner, 843 ; invention 
by Gemma Frisius, 349 ; by Hood,861 

Cumberland, £arl of, expedition, 60 to 
92 ; attacks ships at St. Michael's, 
62 ; joined by Davis, xxxvi, 65 : 
capture of Fayal, 66 ; other account 
of voyage, xxxviii ; privileges grant- 
ed to, in charter of incorporation of 
East India Company, Ixzi 

Cumberland, Isle, xxzv, 46 

Gulf, 11 n,, 27 n. 

Cunington, George, signed the Dtiirt 
memorial, 106 

Cunningham, Wm., his work on navi- 
gation, 355 

Currants, $u Corinths 

DaitUie, one of the ships in Cavendish's 
squadron, xli, xlv, 98 ; returns to 
England,95; hernameomitted,103n. 

Darcie's Islands, xxxv, 47 

Darien Isthmus, 200 

Darlie Head, porpoise, so called, 8 

Dart river, ii 

Dartmouth, ii, Izii ; Davis sails from, 
1 ; Sunshine and Moonshine arrive 
at, 14 ; Davis sails from, on second 
voyage, 15 ; fleet departs from, 33 ; 
Davis sails from on third vo^^age, 89 ; 
pinnace framed at, 41 ; Davis arrives 
at, 48 

Darwin, Mr., on phosphorescence in 
the sea, 160 

Davie, Henry, g^mner of Sunshine, 2 

Davis, family, live at Sandridge, iii 

Davis Strait, xxv ; names given by 
Davis on either side of xxxv, Ixxxvi 

Davis, Arthur, second son of John 
Davis, iv, Ixxii 

Edward, brother of John Davis, 


Gilbert, eldest son of John 

Davis, birth, iv; named in will, Ixxii ; 
proved will, Ixxvi 

Davis, John of Sandridge. His quali- 
ties as a sea captain, i ; bom at 
Sandridge, ii; marriage, iii; probable 
date of birth, v; earliest men- 
tion, vii ; consulted as to N.W. 
voyages, ix ; his first Arctic voyage, 
xi, xii, 1, 2; surv^ of Scilly Isles, 2, 
xviii ; letter to WalHJngharn, xix ; 
second voyage, xxi, 15 ; letter to 
Sanderson, xxiv, 82, 59 ; explores 
Gilbert Sound, 18 ; his accuracy in 
collecting Eskimo words, 21 n.; 
return, 31 ; third voyage, xxvii, 39 ; 
reaches his highest latitude, 44 ; 
friend of John Chudleigh, 47 n. ; his 
traverse book, 49. Geographical 
work, xxxiii, xxxiv; joins the Earl of 
Cumberland's expedition, xxxvi, 65 ; 
ordered to follow with prizes, 79 ; 
appointed Rear Admiral to the fleet 
of Cavendish, xl, 93 ; accused of 
deserting Cavendish, xl, xliv, xlvii ; 
Quells mutiny, plan to murder him, 
101, 102. Testimonial as to separa- 
tion, signed on board the Desire, 
103 to 106 ; discovery of Falkland 
Islands, xlix, 108; his oration. 111; 
goes to Padstow in a fishing-boat, 
128; writes theStaman*s Stcrets, xlix, 
and the Worltts Hydrographieal Dt" 
seripUon, L His back-staff, Ivi, 834 ; 
Mb connection with the Molvneux 
globe and "New Map", ba; his 
troubles at home, Ixi ; service under 
the Earl of Essex, Ixii ; accepts service 
under the Dutch, Ixiii ; sails as pilot 
of the Lion, Ixv ; letter to the Earl of 
Essex, 129 ; leaves Flushing, 132 ; 
entertained bv the King of Achen, 
142 ; gallant defence of Dutch ship 
by, 144 ; his losses, 146 ; his ac- 
count of Achen, 147 ; return, 156 ; 
sends a report to Essex, Ixix ; 
sails, as pilot, with Lancaster to 
the East Indies, Ixx ; takes ser- 
vice under Sir E. Michelbome^ 
Ixxi ; Mb last will, Ixxii ; sails in 
the Tiger, Ixxiii, 157 ; meets Ja- 
panese junks, 178 ; murdered by 
Japanese, Ixxv, 181 ; his sailing 
directions from Achen to Priaman, 
Ixxiii, 185 ; his will proved, Ixxvi ; 
his works, 363 ; confused with another 
John Davis of Limehouse, Ixxviii ; 
errors in biograpMcal notices, Ixxviii, 

Philip, youngest son of John 

Davis, Ixxii 



DaTk, John, of Limehouae. Account 
of his career, Ixxriii ; his Rutter 
for sailing to the East Indies, Ludx 

Death, Eskimo sign of, 24 ; of a seaman, 
24 ; of men for want of water, 84 ; 
of men on board Desire, 127 ; of 
Dutch officers and men, 144 ; of 
John Davis, 181 

De Cime Isle, 160. 

Declination, first tables of, lii ; defini- 
Uon, 284, 265, 268 

Dee, Dr. John, first mentions Davis, vii ; 
his consultations with Davis, ix ; 
Notice of, 234 n., 858 

Deer, seen on Darcie's Island, 47 

De Diego Roiz Isles, 166 

Degrees, on a compass, 241 ; definition, 
257 ; Use of, 258 

De Jonge, Mr. J. K. J., on the rise of 
Dutch power, Ix ; view of the 
conduct of Davis, Izvii 

Ddv/kt, the, vi, 232 n. 

Demi-culverin, 181 n. 

Dennie, Sir Edward, takes passage in 
Victory, 91 

Deeeado, Cape, 115 n. 

Desire, xli, xlv, xlix ; Davis appointed 
Captain of, 93 ; at taking of Santos, 
94 ; Cavendish comes on board, 96 ; 
arrives at Straits of Magellan, 96 ; 
memorial signed by crew, 103 ; 
Loses sight of admiral, 99 ; mutinv, 
101 ; terrible suffering of crew, 117, 
122 ; arrives atBeerhaven, 127,233 ; 
extract from log, 282 n. 

Desire, Port, rendezvous for the fleet 
of Cavendish, xlix, 96, 99,100n.,233 

River, 121 

Desmond, Earl of, 88 n. 

Desolation, Land of, xviii, xxxiv, xxxv, 
named by Davis, 4, 14, 32, 35, 216 ; 
Cape, 206, 207, 806 

Dicke, Wm., one of the crew of Sun- 
shine, 2 

Di^o Qraciosa Island, 167 

Digges, Thomas, 284 it., 356 

Dingenacush in Ireland, 88 n. 

Dingle Bay, 87 n. 

Disco Island, xxix 

Discord, Cape, 4 n., 35 n, 

Diu, 129 n. 

Dogs heard howling, 12 ; like mastiff^, 
12 ; seen in Iceland, 34 ; near Gil- 
bert Sound, 86 ; a dog swims towards 
the ship, 88 ; so fat as to be unable 
to run, 46 

Dolphins, 157 

Donne, Dr., quotation from, respecting 
Hilliard, 235 

Dos Banhos, Isle, 166 

Doughty, Mr., executed by Drake, 95 n. 

Drake, Sir Francis, aUusioii to hiB voy- 
age, 60 ; execution of Douf hty by 
95 n., 202, 204, 286 ; hia akill aa a 
seaman, 286 

Drayton, quotation from, 1 4 n. 

Dreams, ominous, 124 

Drift wood, seen near Cape Fare^rell, 
5 ; Qilb^ Sound stored with, 16 

Ducks at Labrador, 29 

Dudley, Sir Robert, Iv, 365 

Dursey Isle, 33 n., 205 

Dutch in Uie East Indies, bdv, Ixr; 
position of Davis in fleet of, Ixvi to 
ixix; narrative of voyage, 129 to 
156 ; Michelbome meets fleet o^ 183 

Dyer, Cape, 10 a. 

East India Company, diarter of inoor- 

poration and first voyagei, Wi^, 

Ixxvi n 
Ecliptic, definition, 292 
Eddystone, Spanish Admiral sunk 

near, 92 
Eden, Richard, his tranalatioii of 

Cortes, lii ; notice of his works, 856 
Edwards, Thomas, signs the Detirt 

memorial, 106 
Elephant's teeth, ship laden with, 65 
Elizabeth of Dartmouth sails, zxvii, 

39 ; tows the EU^n, 40, 42 

Queen, 88 a. 

Regina, Foreland, xxziv^v 

Elizabethan guild at Exeter, xvi, xvii, 

XX, XX vi 
Ellen of London, xxvii ; a dinoher, 89 ; 

sails, 89 ; her bad sailing, 40 ; in a 

leaky condition, 48 ; strikes on a 

rock, 48 
Ellis, John, Master of the Moonthineg 

2 ; selected to gain the friendship 

of the Eskimos, 7 
John, one of the crew of the 

Stmshine, 2 

Simon, one of the crew of the 

Sunshine, 88 
Emden, a ship from, 61 
Enciso, Biartin Femandes, hia Susna 

de Oeoffrqfia, account of, 845 
Engroenland, xxxiv. See Gzeenland 
Epaot, how to find the, 247, 248 
Ephemerides, 270 n. See references in 

list at p. 867 
Elquator, becalmed on, 167 ; definition, 

290 ; use of, 291 
Equinoctial line, see Equator 
Esias, quoted by Davis, 225, 226, 807 
Eskimos, traces of, found, 6 ; they 

howl like wolves, 6 ; communication 

with, xxii, szviii, xxix, 7, 41 ; band 



sent on shore to amuse, 7 ; descrip- 
tion of, 8, 18, 19, 20, 206 ; traces in 
Cumberland Gulf, 12 ; friendly in- 
tercourse, 16, 17 ; skill in wrestling, 
18; idolaters and witches, 19 ; me- 
thod of kindling a fire, 19 ; thievish 
propensities, 19, 23 ; language, 21 ; 
troubles with, 28 ; kidnapping, 23, 
24 ; visit from, 35 ; houses found, 
36 ; skirmish with, 37 ; injury done 
to pinnace by, 41 ; mistaken for 
seals, 43 ; touch with, 45 ; good qua- 
lities, 306 n. 

Espejo, Antonio de, 213 n. 

Esquimaux, see Eskimo 

Essex, Earl of, service of Davis under, 
Ixii ; letter from Davis to, Ixix, 129, 

Eston, William, Master of the Sun- 
shinCf 2 ; his anxiety to punish Els- 
kimoB, 28 ; explores in the pinnace, 

Estotiland, tee Labrador, zxxvi, 32 n. 

Ethiopia, 201 

Everart, Martin, 350 

Eversby, James, signs the Desire tes- 
timonial, 106 

Exeter merchants, xvii, 207. See 
Elizabethan guild 

Exeter Sound, discovered and named 
by Davis, 10 

Exploration, Arctic, see Polar 

Falcon of London, anchored off St. 
Michael's, 62 

Falcon, 14, 18 n., 220 

^— ^ (gun)» 4 n. 

Falconet, 4 n. 

Falconry, 42 n. 

Falkland Islands, discovery, xlix, 
108 n. 

Farewell, Cape, xxii, xxviii, 15 n. 

Fayal, Ekurl of Cumberland's squadron 
at, 64 ; capture of, 66 ; description 
of, 67 ; looted, 68 ; dinner to inha- 
bitants, 69 ; squadron leaves, 69 ; 
returns, 70 ; driven from, by a 
storm, 70 

Fernando Noronha, 183 ti., 156, 157 ». 

Fig trees at Fayal, 67 

Filpe, John, one of the crew of the 
Sunshinef 33 ; shoots an Eskimo, 87 

Fir, found near OUbert Sound, 8 ; 
sledge made of, 12 ; in Labrador, 29 

Fish, bNou^ht of Eskimos, 17 ; to be ob- 
tained m Iceland, 34 ; capelin, 17, 
22, 24, 44, 210 ; catfish, 34 ; cod, 
17, 28, 29, 210; green fish, 34; 
ling, 34 ; stock fish, 84 ; smelts, 101, 
107 ; dolphins, 157 n. ; bonitoe. 

157 n. ; lumps, 210 n. ; stonebas,210 ; 

salmon, 210 
Fish, poisoned, 155 
Fisher, signed the Desire memorial, 

Fishmongers' Company, Mr. Sander- 
son belonged to, xv 
Fiskemaes, xxviii 
Fitzgerald, see Desmond 
Flankers, 147 n. 
Fleet of John Davis separates, 38 ; 

place appointed for meeting, 35. 

See Cavendish ; Dutch 
Flores, Island, Earl of Cumberland at, 

Fog, dense, 3, 25 ; land seen over, 4 ; 

in Cumberland Gulf, 12 
Forman, Simon, work on navigation, 

by, 362 
Football played with Eskimos, 86 
Fox, Luke, xxxiii n. 
Foxes seen at Gilbert Sound, 36 
Frampton, John, work on navigation 

by, 359 
Franciscan Friary at Fayal, 68 
Frederikshaab, xxviii 
Frio, Cape, Cavendish arrives off, 93, 

Frisland of Zeno, xxxiii, xxxv, xxxvi 
Frobisher, Martin, ore discovered by, 

9 ; news of his successful action 

with Spaniards, 92; instruments 

taken out by, liii 
Frobisher, Strait (Bay), xxiv, xxxv ; 

Limiley Inlet mistaken for, 46 
Froude, Mr., his mistakes respecting 

the life of Davis, Ixxxiii 
Froward, Cape, 96 n. ; loss of a boat 

off, 109, 204 
Fulford, Faith, iii, iv n., Ixxz 
Fulford, Sir John, iii, iv n., Ixxx 
Furious Overfall, of Davis (Hudson 

Strait) xxxvi 

Gale, 47 ; fleet of Cavendish separated 
in, 95 

Oaleotif Cavendish sails in, 93 ; discon- 
tent on board, 96 ; her sick put on 
shore, 97 ; sails out of Magellan's 
Straits, 99 

Gallies, 145 n. 

Gannets, 158 n. 

Garet, Richard, signed the Denre tes- 
timonial, 106 

Geese, wild, seen in Labrador, 29 

Gemma Friinus, Iii ; account of, 349 

Genesis, quotation from, in note op 
Sanderson, xv 

Geraldines, see Desmond 

Gerrits, Adrian, 352 



Oibnltar, 81 n. 
Gilberts, family of, iy, y 
at Sandridge, iii 

— Adrian, iii, y, vi, z, zi, ryi, 93, 8(J8 
et $eq., hiB bark with Cayendiah, 
98, 95. See Dainty 

-^— Sir Humphrey, aooount of, y ; 
hia last yoyage, yi ; his marriage, 
yii 91. ; his disoourse to proye a N. W. 
paaaage, lyii n. ; reference to his 
yoyage, 286 

— Sir John, y 
Otho, iy 

Gilbert, William, his work on magnet- 
ism, 864 

Gilbert Sound, ziz, xxii ; graye at, 
xxiii ; return t«, zxyiii ; discoyered 
by Dayis, 6, 15 n. ; reached by Dayia, 
in second yoyage, 16 ; exploration 
of, 17, 22 ; arrival of the Sunshine 
at, 85 ; departure from, 38 

Glaciers, referred to by Dayia, 217 

Glass, half hour, when used, 4 

Globe,olde8texisting, lix n. ; constructed 
by Emery Molyneux, liz ; Hakluyt's 
reference to, Iz ; manuals by Hood 
and Hues, for use of , Ix, Izi ; de- 
scribed by Blundeyille, Izi ; dis- 
coveries of Davis on, zzzv, xzzvi ; 
made at ezpense of Mr. Sanderson, 
ziy ; by Schoner, 108 n ; referred to 
by Davis, 211 ; use of, 809, 810, 
811, 812, 813, 817 

Goa, 129 n. 

Godolphin, Sir Francis, shipwrecked 
goods saved by, 91 

God's Mercy, Cape of, named by 
Davis, 11 ; sighted during second 
voyage, zziv, 27 ». 

Godthaab, 6, 15 n. 

Golden Hind, vi 

Golden Number, 247 

Golgova Yaygats, 200 

Gomara, account of voyages to Cali- 
fornia in work of, 213 n. 

Gomes Diego, Governor of Fayal, 69 

Goose-winged sail, 14 n. 

Goi^ges, Sir Tristram, Cavendish's 
ezecutor, zliii 

Gomey, Christopher, boy on board 
Sunshine^ 2 

Gothland, heat in summer, 220 

Graciosa Island, conditions offered to, 
71 ; fight at, 71 ; islanders saluted, 73 

Grande Ilha, 93 n. 

Granger, Edward, signed the Desire 
memorial, 106 

Grave, in Gilbert Sound, zziii; 18, 46 

Greece (Greace) or Greesie in Java, 
175, 178 n. 

Great Circle Sailing, 239 ». ; described, 

Great Cirdea, definition, 290 

Greene fish in Iceland, 84 

Greenland, supposed to be Friesland of 
Zeni, zzziii ; Cape Discord on east 
coast of, 4n. ; Gilbert Sound in, 15 n.; 
visit of the Sunshine to, 82 ; sear^ 
for passage between lo^and and, 33 
85, 205; countiy and people of, 219 

Greenlanders, fermented liquor pre- 
ferred by, 9 A. ; words in use among^ 
21n. See Eskimos 

Greenway Courts seat of the GflbertSy 

Grijalva, Hernando de, 212 n. 

Grimsby, New, in Scilly, 2 

Gripe, 18 n. 

Ground tackle, see Anchor, 118 fk 

Guevara, Antonio de, work on naviga- 
tion, 845 

Guinea, goat skins from ooaat o^ 65 

Guinia com, see BCaice 

Guirdt, 181 n, 148 a., 172 ; ship of, 187 

Gulls, number of, 28 

Gunner, Heniy Davie, of the Stm M tu, 

Gunter, Edmund, notice of, 866 

Gunter's scale, 866 

Guravates, see Gujrdt 

Gutiero, chart by, 108 a. 

Haddoch, a sail, 114 a. 

Hailstones, more sweet than comfits. 

Hakluyt, Davis's three voyages, printed 
by, zzzvi ; and Davis's traverse 
book, 49 n. ; letters patent for N.W. 
^^itKoyrery, given in, zi, 368; Cum- 
berland's third .voyage, zzzviii; 
**WorUrs ffydrograpkicfd Descrip- 
tion in, 1 a., Ivii; his reference to the 
Molyneuz globe, Iz; his connection 
with the compilation of the New 
Map, zcii ; as to discovery of Falk- 
land Isles, 108 a.; his aavocac^ of 
lectures on navigation, 847 

Hallam, description of the new map, 
by, Izzzv 

Halliers, halyards, 110 

Hamburg, capture of a ship from, 61 ; 
trade with Iceland, 220 

Hamilton, Mr. A. H. A., thanks to, for 
assistance, Izxvii 

Hamilton, inlet, 29 a. 

Harcubusbes (Arquebus) 

Hares, white, brought off by Eskimos, 
.17; killed on Dfutsie's Island, 47 

Harping iron, set harpoon 



Harpoon, used for porpoises, 3, 187, 

Harriott, Thomas, account of, 285 n., 

Harvey, Captain Erasmus, captured a 

ship, zzxix 
Hauser, Christopher, signed Detire 

memorial, 106 
Havard, Judith, engaged to be married 

to Davis, Ixxii 
Hawkins, Richard, sighted Falkland 

Isles, 108 n, 
Hawkins, Sir John, 202, 286 
Hay, to be had in Iceland, 84 
Hayman, William, signed the Desire 

memorial, 106 
Heame, John, Company's factor, pro> 

tests against Michelbome's inter- 
loping voyage, Ixxvi n. 
Hell Cliff, Captain Lister, drowned off, 

Helman, Edward, one of the crew of 

the Sunshine, 2 
Hellowes, Edward, 858 
Hellyar, su Hilliard 
Hempson, Hugh, one of the crew of 

the Sunthiney 83 
Herriot, see Harriott 
Hexham, Henry, account of, 865 
Hides, ship's side hung with, 80 
Higinius (C. Julius Hyginus) quoted, 

198 n. 
Hill, Thomas, one of the crew of the 

Sunthiney 2 
Hilliard, Nicholas, 285 n. 
Holywood, J., see Sacrobosco 
Homer, quoted by Davis, 197 
Hondius Jodocus, account of, 851; 

his connection with Mercator and 

Wright, Ixzxviii, Ixxxix 
Honyman, Mr., London merchant, 

supplies news to CedL Davis in a 

ship of, Ixiii 
Hood, Dr., account of, 861 
Hooker, Sir J., information from, as 

to bombast tree on Fernando 

Noronha Isle, 160 ik 
Hope, Sanderson, see Sanderson's 

Horizon, 241 ; definition, 298 ; use, 

290 ; poles of, 804 
Horizontal navigation (plane sailing), 

289, 282 

tide table, 251 

Horns of harts found, 87 

Horses obtained in Iceland, 84 

Horseman light (sort of gig), 96 n. 

ffoseander, ship, Ixziv 

Houses, Icelandic, 84 ; of Eskimos 

found, 86 

Houtman, Ixv 

Cornelius de, captain of the 

Lion, Ixv, 182 

killed, Uvi, 144 

Frederick, captain of the 

Lioness, Ixv ; taken prisoner, Ixvi 
Howard of Effingham, Lord, Seaman* $ 

Secrets dedicated to, Ivi, 281 
Hudson, Thomas, x n. 
Hudson, Henry, lighted into his Strait 

by Davis, xxxiii 
Hudson Strait, Davis near entrance of, 

xxiii, xxiv, xxxvi, 28 n., 47. Set 

Furious Overfall 
HUelva, Alonzo Sanchez de, 842 
Hues, Robert, account of, 862 ; his 

Index Oeographicus, zzxv, his 

Manual, Ix, 224 
Hull, lie a, nautical phrase, 28i»., 88 ». 
Hull, Commander, RN., thanks to, 

for valuable assistance, Ixxvii 
Humboldt, his proofs of early Portu- 
guese discoveries, 108 n. 
Hungry Bay in Madagascar, 187 
Hydrographical Description ( Worlds s) 

by Davis, accoimt of, Ivii; copies 

extant, 1 n. 

Ice, great roaring caused bv, 4 ; makes 
good fresh water, 4 ; irksome noise 
of, 4; unable to land on account of, 
5 ; cold weather by reason of, 5 ; 
land near Cape Farewell pestered 
with, 9, 15 ; a mighty and strange 
quantity seen, 24 ; anchored by an 
island of, 27 ; a firm land of, 84, 85; 
mighty bank of, 44 ; Davis pulls 
through a gap in, 45 ; quantities of 
in Northern Sea, 196 ; breeds strange 
conceits, 206; island of, 215 ; moun- 
tains of, 217 ; flake ice, pancake ice, 
218 f».; whether the sea freezes, 215 
to 218 

Icebergs, 215 

Iceland, visit of the Sunshitne to, 82 ; 
she sails to discover passage between 
Greenland and, 38 ; Sunshine arrives 
at, 84 ; commodities of, 84 ; manners 
and customs of the people of, 84 ; 
Sunshine sails from, 85 ; birds df, 220 

Idolaters, Eskimos judged to be, 8, 19 

Image made of wood found, 12, 17j 
natives have numerous, 19 

Instruction in navigation, course of, in 
Spain, li n. ; recommended by Sir 
W. Monson, Ivi n. ; advocated by 
Hakluyt, 847 ; Spanish instructors. 
See Mousoki, Hood, Wright, «MNavi- 



InttnimentB, 240. See Nayigatdon, 
ABtrolabe, Cross staff, Back staff, 
horizoDtal plane sphere, 240 ; para- 
doxal! compass, 240 n. See Com- 
pass, horizontal tide table, 251 

■ magnetical, 240 n. See 

Olobe, Chart. See, also, Bourne, 
Norman, Blagrave, Hood, Wright, 

Iron, Eskimos imable to resist steal- 
ing, 20 ; Eskimo love of, 41 ; mines 
of, at Dingle Bay, 90 

Irvine Inlet, 13 n. 

Isatis tinctoria, 65 n. 

Jans, John, wrote the narrative of 
Davis's first voyage, i, xvii ; and 
second voyage, xxvii, 39 ; said to 
have been a nephew of Mr. Sander- 
son, xvii n., 40 ; marriage of, xviii n. ; 
wrote the account of Davis's voy- 
age in the Deeire, xl, 93 ; did not 
sign the memorial, xlviii, 106 n. ; 
Bsuled in the Sunshine as merchant, 2 

Philip, one of the crew of the 

Sunshine, 33 

Janeiro, Rio de, 124 n. 

Japanese pirates murder Davis, Ixxvi, 
181 ; feared as a desperate people, 
178 ; junks of, 178 ; driven off, 181 

Java, arms used by people of, 175 

Jenkinson, Anthony, on north-east 
passage, Ivii, 201 

John, signed Desire memo- 
rial, 106 

Jer falcon in Iceland, 220 

Johanna, Island, 138 n. 

Johore, kingdom of, 142 n, 

Jonge, see De Jonge 

Juniper found near Qilbert Sound, 8 

Junk, meaning of the term, 31 n. 

Kaufiman, Qerard, see Mercator 

Kedge, see Anchor 

Kelly, John, one of the crew of the 
Sunshine, 2 

Kildare, Earl of, died in the Tower, 88 n. 

Kintal, see Quintal 

Kippis, Dr., first to point eut in the 
JBiographia JBritannica that there 
must be two contemporary sea cap- 
tains named John Davis, Ixxx, Ixxxi 

Kohl, Dr.,xci ; his work on charts, 108n. 

Knivet, Anthony, his narrative of voy- 
age of Cavendish, xlvi; remarkable 
adventures, xlvi, 97 n. 

Kris, su Crease 

Labrador, Davis sails along coast of, 
xxiv ; birds seen in, 29 

Lafort, Frenchman at Achen, 145 
Lambs, two brought on board the 

Sunshine, 34 
Lanards in Iceland, 220 
Lancaster, Sir J., Qeneral of the East 

India Company's fleet in first voy- 
age, Ixix, Ixx n. 
Lane, Henry, letter to Mr. Sanderson 

from, on north-east passage, in Hak- 

luyt, xii n. 
Langeren, Jacob Floriss, van, a Dutch 

globe maker, 352 
Larks, seen in Cumberland Gulf, 12 ; 

in Qilbert Sound, 18 
Latitude, highest reached by Davis, 

xxxi, 44 ; how known by the chart, 

273 ; definition, 257, 258, 259, 284 ; 

problems for finding the Pole's 

height, 317 to 325 
Layes, John, signed the Desire me- 
morial, 106 
Lead, bullet of, used to quench thirsty 

LeeutD and Leeuvfin {Lion and Lioness), 

Dutch ships on voyage to India, lurt 

of officers, Ixv, 132 
Lefort, Guyon, treasurer in the Lion, 

Ixv ; succeeds to command of expe- 

dition, 153 
Leicester, the, xli 
Lemons at Fayal, 67 
Leonard, signed the Desire testimonial, 

Letters patent for north-west discovery 

granted to Adrian Gilbert^ John 

Davis, etc., xi, 368 
Letter from Davis to WaLnngham, zix 

Sanderson, 82, 69 

Essex, 129 

Letters by Baffin, xxxii 
naferring to Davis 



Paper Office, Ixi, Ixiii 

sealed, in Dutch ship, 153 

Lewis, John, signed the Desire me- 
morial, 106 

Ley, Henrich Jarichs van der, 858 

Light Horseman, a boat, 96 n. 

Ling, fish obtained in Iceland, 34 

James, signed the Desire memo- 
rial, 106 

Linnets, seen in Gilbert Sound, 18 

Lion, see Leeuto 

Lion of the Sea seen off Cape Agolluui^ 

Lioness, see Leeuvfin 

Lisbon, priases belonging to a Jew o^ 

Lister, Captain Christopher, xxzviii ; 
sails with the Earl of Cumberland, 
60 ; sent to cut out shipe, 64 ; sent 



to demand the Biirrcnder of Fayal, 

66 ; sent to demand provisionB, 71 ; 

returns with answer, 72 : sent with a 

despatch to St. Mary's Island, 75 ; 

his cutting out exploit, 76 ; placed 

in charge of prize, 80 ; drowned off 

the Cornish coast, 91 
Locke, John, cousin of Cayendish, 

death, xlv 
Log and line, described for the first 

time, liii n. 
Log book, specimens of, xxziii, 49, 

282 ; described, 281. See Traverse 

Logarithms, use of, promoted by 

Wright and Briggs, xxxviii n., 364, 

Jiondon Coast, so named by Davis, 

xxxiv, XXXV, 44 

■ Merchants, consult regarding 

north-west passage, xii, xxv 
Long, Henry, sailed with the Earl of 

Cumberland, 60 
Longitude, definition, 257, 284 n. 
Lubeck, capture of a ship from, 61 ; 

trade with Iceland, 220 
Limiley Inlet, named by Davis, xxxvi, 

Lying to, 28 n. 
Lynn, Nicholas de, 340 
Lynton, Anthony, 365 
Lyster, tee Lister, Captain, xxxviii 

Maber, William, gunner of the Desire, 
signed the memorial, 106 

Macao, 130 

MadagisuKair, Dutch fleet at, 136 

Maddison, Sir Ralph, xv 

Maddocke, Andrew, one of the crew of 
the Sutuhine, 2, 33 

Madeira wine, part cargo of ship, 63 

Magellan, voyage referred to, 108 n. 

Magellan's Straits, plan of, 117 ; Ca- 
vendish shapes a course for, 95; 
Davis in, 96, 200, 204 n., 233 

Maiden group, Falkland Isles, formerly 
so called, 108 n. 

Maize, 133 n., 159 

Malacca, 130 

Maldivia Islands, 138 n. 

Maleries, Qarrit, Merchant Stranger, 
on Committee on Exchanges, xv 

Manancabo, kingdom of Sumatra, 153 

Manche, La, the Britbh Channel, 280 n. 

Mandeville, Viscount, on the Commit- 
tee on Exchanges, xv 

Mandie, John, one of the crew of the 
Sunshine^ 33 

Mandioc plant, 94 n. 

Mangalore, 130 n. 

Manicongo, 201 

Map, the New, discoveries of Davis on 
tjie, xxxvi ; prepared by Wright, 
xxxiii n., Ixi, xdi; Mr. Coote on, 
Ixxxv ; Hallam's description of, 
Ixxxvi ; identified with that men- 
tioned by Shakspere in Twdfth 
Nijhty Ixxxvii ; on Mercator's pro- 
jection, Ixxxvii 

of the Zeni, considered an autho- 
rity in Davis's time, xxxiii 

Margaret, one of the Elarl of Cumber- 
land's squadron, 60 ; sent to Gra- 
cioea, 71, 73 ; despatched to Eng- 
land, 78 

Markesburie, Captain, xxxvii ; joins 
the Earl of Cumberland's squadron, 
65 ; left, to bring off provisions, 73 

Markham, Mr. Clements, his edition of 
the voyages of Lancaster, Ixx 

Marrah (Pulo Marra), in Strait of 
Sunda, 173 

Mas, Sumatran money, 131, 152 

Mascarenhas, Island, 138 n. 

Maschalla or Messahala, his treatise on 
the astrolabe used by Chaucer, 341 n. 
(see Errata) 

Masse, Achen weight, 152 

Matecalou, a city of ZeiloQ (Ceylon), 

Maurice of Orange, Count, Commis- 
sion for Dutch ships to India, 132 

Mayo, Island, salt of, 219 n. 

Medina, Pedro de, author of a work 
on navigation, li ; editions in va- 
rious languages, lii ; account of, 348. 
See Arte de Navegar 

Meg, one of the Earl of Cumberland's 
squadron, 60 ; sent to observe 
strange ships, 61 ; Captain Monson 
removed from, 78 

Mela Pomponius, 197 

MeUnde, 130 n., 199 

Memorial, signed by the crew of the 
Desire, touching the parting com- 
pany with Cavendish, 103 

Mendoza, Antonio de. Viceroy of 
Mexico, his despatch of exploring 
expedition, 211 

Mercator, Gerhard, account of, and 
his works, Lxxxviii, 350 ; projection, 
discovered by Wright, Ixxxvii, 
Ixxxix. See Wright 

Merchants of Exeter, their encourage- 
ment of the voyages of Davis, xvi, 
xvii, XX, xxvi, 207 ; of London, xii, 
xxv ; merchants of Amsterdam un- 
dertake voyages to India, Ixiv 

Mermaid, of Dartmouth, xxi ; one of 
the ships in Davis's second voyage, 

C C 



15 ; pinnace provided in, 16 ; incon- 
venient for ice navigation on account 
of size, 25 ; left at anchor, 27 (see Er- 
rata) ; sails from Dartmouth, 83, 207 

Meridian, 256, 257 ; definition, 297 ; 
use, 298 

Mervin, Mr., sailed with the Earl of 
Cumberland, 60 

Messahala {aee Maschalla) 

Meta Incognita of Frobisher, xxxiv, 
XXXV ; ore brought from, 9 

Mewes, great number of, 28 

Mexico, ship from captured, 80 

Michelbome, Sir Eldward, Ixxi ; licence 
granted to for a vovage to India, 
Ixxi ; appoints Davis pilot, Ixxii ; 
attacked by pirates, Ixxiv; sails, 157, 
159; return to England, Ixxv, 184 

Middleaktuk Islands, 11 n. 

Middleburgh in Zeeland, people of 
undertake a voyage to India, Ixiv ; 
letter of Davis from, 181 ; fleet sent 
to India, 182 ; return of Davis to, 
Ixix, 156 

Middleton, Capt. J., his vessel cap- 
tured a prize, xxxix 

Milbume, his accusations against 
Davis, Ixi 

Milf ord Haven, arrival of Michelbome's 
ship at, 184 

Miller, Rowland, signed the Duire 
memorial, 106 

Mina, trade of Spaniards and Portu- 
guese with, 201 

Mines of gold and copper at Achen, 
147 ; in Ireland, 90 

Mocha, see Rocha 

Molucca Isles, 130, 201 

Molyneux, Emery, tee Qlobe, zxziii, 
XXXV ; account of his globes, Iviii, 
lix ; Hakluj't's reference to, Ix ; 
connection with the new map, Ixi, 
xcii, 360 

Monef.a merchant of Middleburgh, ad- 
ventures in the voyage to India, 132 

Monomotapa, 130 n. 

Monson, Sir William, his high opinion 
of Davis, Iv ; advocates establish- 
ment of a lecture on navigation, 
Ivi n. ; his discourse against N .W. 
Passage, Ivii n. ; conversed with 
Davis, Ixiii ; captain of the Meg^ 
60 ; sent to reconnoitre strange 
ships, 61 ; sent to cut out ships, 
64 ; boats sent for water under, 
77 ; removed into the Victorj/y 78 

Monsoon, northerly, 178; southerly, 
178 n. 

Moon, motions, 244, 245 ; how to find 
age of, 249, 254 ; how to know the 

hour of night by, 252 ; to know 
bearings of, 258 

Moonlight, 15 n. 

Mooruhtnej of Dartmouth, one of the 
ships in Davis's Arctic voyage, xii, 
xxi ; sails with Davis, 2 ; her crew, 
2 ; hoists out of boat to sound, 3 ; 
picks up a tree near Cape Farewell, 
5 ; parts company in a gale, 14 ; 
employed in the second voyage, 15 ; 
her boat stolen by the Eschimos, 19 ; 
stones thrown into, 28 ; separated 
from Mermaid at entrance of Cum- 
berland Qulf , 27 n. ; sails from Dart- 
mouth, 88 

Morgan, Henry, his account of the 
cruise of the Sunshine, xxv, 88 ; 
discrepancies between his narrative 
and letter of Davis, xxv 

Moseley, Mr., of H.M .S. Challenger, on 
the bombast tree, 160 

Moequitos in Qreenland, 26 

Moucheron, Balthazar, merchant who 
formed the Zealand Company to 
trade with India, Ixiv, Ixvi, 132 n. 

Mounson, Captain, see Monson 

Moxon published several editions of 
Wright's Errors in Navigation, xcii 

Muller, Johan, see Regiomontanus 

Munster, Sebastian, cosmographer, 
account of, 848 

Mushrom, see Moucheron 

Musicians, four on board the Sunshine 
in Davis's Arctic voyage, 2 ; brought 
on shore to allure tne natives, 7 

Muscovey glass, 9 n. 

Mussels, gathered for supper, 22 ; used 
as provisions, 97 ; large quantity 
obtained at Port Desire, 101 

Mutiny on board the Desire, 101 

Narsinga, 154 n. (see ErraUii 
Navigation, early works on, li ; course 
of instruction in Spain, li »., 347 ; 
first English works, liii, see Seaman's 
Secrets ; lectures in England on, 
Ivi n., 361, 364 ; works on in Eliza- 
bethan age, 389 to 866; Davis's 
objects in writing on, 231 to 288 ; de- 
finitions, 239 ; several kinds, 239, 
282 ; paradoxal navigation, 815 ; 
praise of arithmeticall navigation, 
316. See Horizontal, Paradoxal, 
Qreat Circle, Instruction 
Neckam, Alexander, early English 

cosmographer, work of, 840 n. 
Negapatam, 130 n. ; ship of, 154 
Negroes, capture of a ship laden with, 98 
NepoB, Cornelius, quoted by Davis, 214 
Nets made of the fin of a whale, 20 



New Map by Wright; diflooveries 
of Davis shown on, xxxiii ; its au- 
thorship, xxxiii n., Ixi ; note on by 
Mr. Coote, Ixxxv {tee Map, New) 

Newfoundland cod, xxiv, 11 n. 

Newhaven, Humphrey Qilbert, at, v ; 
Cumberland's squadron meets a 
ship of, 60 

Nicholas of Lyme, 342 

Nicobar Islands, Dutch vessels arrive 
at, 154 

Niza, Macoos de, exploring N. of 
Mexico, 212 n. 

Norman, Kobert, liv ; hydrographer, 
his discoveries, account of, 858 

North cape, 199, 216 

North seas, quantity of ice, 196 

North Star pinnace, xxi, xxiv; sails 
with Davis on the second voyage, 
15 ; he reports loss of, 82 ; relation 
of the voyage of, 88 ; sails from 
Dartmouth, with Bunthine^ 88 ; 
founders, 38 

North-west passage, consultations on 
a voyage, ix ; letters patent for dis- 
covery, xi, 368 ; undertaken by 
London and West country merchants, 
xii, xvi, xvii ; first voyage of Davis, 
xviii ; second voyage xx, 15 ; 
third voyage, xxvii, 39 ; discoveries 
of Davis, xxxiii to xxxvi ; Davis 
joins Cavendish with a view to the 
passage, xl, 232 ; discourse of Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert on, Ivii n. ; argu- 
ments of Davis in favour of, Ivii, 
Iviii ; obj(«ctions, 195, 196 ; answered 
by Davis, 197 to 224 ; advantages 
of the discovery, 224 to 228 

Not, James, signed the Desire memo- 
rial, 106 

Nova Hispania, 200 n. 

Nova Zemlia, 199, 200, 214 

Nunez Pedro, Portuguese cosmo- 
grapher, account of, 344 

Nuremburg, Schoner's globe at, 108 n. ; 
Martin Behain's globe at> 348 

Oak, sledge made of, 12 

Oakum, Eskimo captive picks, 24 

Oars stolen by Eskimos, 19 

Ob river, 201 

Onor, I30n. 

Oranges at Fayal, 67 

Ordnance, fifty pieces found at Fayal, 

68 ; salute, 73; leaden bullets fired 

from, 77. See Falcon, Falconet, 

Saker, Demi-culverin 
Ore discovered by Frobisher, 9; copper 

in possession of Eskimos, 20 
Origanus, David, author of ao Ephe- 

mens, 851 


Ormuz, 129 n. 

OrteliuB, Abraham, his map used by 
Hakluyt, Ix, Ixxxvi, the cosmo- 
grapher, an account of, 350 ; uses 
map of Seville, by Chaves, 346 

Osbom, Admiral Sherard, his descrip- 
tion of Sanderson's Hope, xxx 

Oven made of stones found, 12 

Oylet holes, 115 n. 

Pack, Middle, sighted by Davis, 45 

Palma Island, 183 n. 

Palma, Juan de, his ship captured, 64 

Palimbam (Palembang), 175 n. 

Pan Hange (Pahang), 177 n. 

Papaver aJpinum, 11 n. 

Paradoxall navigation, 239 n., 815 

compass, 240 n, 

Pardaw, an Achen coin, 152 

Parker, Charles, heads a mutiny on 
board the Desire, 102 ; signs the 
memorial, 106 ; lost, 120 

Parker, Nicholas, signs the Desire me- 
morial, 106 

Partridges, 12, 29 

Partridge, Mr., sails with the Earl of 
Cumberland, 60 

Pasharaboue, a bird-booby, 158 

Passage, see North West Passage 

Patane, on east coast of Malacoi, Ixxiv, 
174, 177 n.; ship of, 182 

Peach tree at Fayal, 67 

Peerson, his answer regarding the ElUn, 
40; begins to set up the pinnace, 
41 ; his inordinate appetite, 48 

Peckham, Archbishop, work on the 
sphere, 341 

Pelicans, 118, 158 n. 

Penguins, an island abounding with, 
107, 118 ; many dried, 122 ; and 
become corrupt, 126 

Penguin Island, 107, 108, 118 

Pepper, price of at Achen, Ixx, 146 n. 

Pemambuco, ship from captured, 79 

Peru, navigable passage along coast, 

Pery, John, signs the Desire memo- 
rial, 106 

Pett, Joseph and Peter, ship- builders, 

Pheasants, 29 

Philippines, voyage of Cavendish to, 
93 ; distance from California, 199; 
Manilla, city in, 201 

Phosphorescence on the sea, Darwin's 
explanation of, 160 

Pick, John, signed the Desire memo- 
rial, 106 

Pico, Mount of, near Fayal, 67, 69 

Pider in Sumatra, 154, 153 



Pietersz, Nicholas, works of, 852 

Pigeon, Mr., commands a caraval, calf 
of his 1^ shot away, 64 

Pilchard, Capelin resemble a, 17 

Pilot, {iee Davis ) duties, 274 

Pine growing in Labrador, 29 

Pinnace set up, 16; launch, 18; sent 
to explore a mighty mass of ice, 24; 
framed at Dartmouth, 41; injured 
by the Eskimos, 41 ; chases a ship, 
63; of Da\'is, joins Elarl of Cumber- 
land's squadron, 65; sent for water, 
71; detached to watch enemy, 74; 
sent into St. Mary's Island, 75; of 
Cavendish, lost at sea, 96 ; black 
pinnace lost, 113; Dutch lost, 145 ; 
recovered, 170 

Pintados, coloiu*ed chintzes, 173 n. 

Pirates, see Japanese 

Pitch, vessel laden with, 75 

Placentia, Isle of, Cavendish at, 93, 

Plaices found in a bay, 22 

Plancius,Dutch cosmographer,lzxxviii ; 
account of, 351 

Planets, motions, 293, 294 

Plants, birch and willow in Greenland, 
9; trees in Labrador, 29; berries 
{EujxUorum rigorum) in Greenland, 
9n.; labicese, mint, calamint, 136; 
plan tine, ribwort, trifohum, scabius, 
136; cedar at Fayal, 68; cruciferse 
woad, 65 n.^ cocoa nuts, 65, 139 ; juni- 
per, 8; mendioc, 94 n.: papaver al- 
pinum, 11 n.; ranunculus glacialis, 
1 1 n. ; scurvy grass, 122 n. ; maize, 
133 n. ; tamarind, 137; pepper, 146*?.; 
bombast, 160; storax, 175».; ben- 
jamin, 175 n.; areca betula, 149 n. 

Plate, River, capture of a ship bound 
for, 93 ; alleged voyage of Vespucius 
to, 108 n. 

Plymouth, Earl of Cumberland sailed 
from, 60, 93 

Polar Circles, 297 

Polar Exploration, objections, danger, 
quantity of ice, great variation of 
the compass, 196, 197 ; Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert's discourse, Ivii ; discourse 
of Davis, Iviii; discourse of Sir Wm. 
Monson against, Ivii n. ; Davis answers 
the objections, 197 ; ice in Northern 
Seas not continuous, 216 ; seas navi- 
gable, 216, 221 ; proofs that an Arctic 
climate is not intolerable, 219, 220; 
no true Englishman can refiise to 
aid in Arctic discovery, 228 

Pole, true elevation of, 115 ft.; North 
Pole, the place of greatest dignity, 
222; Pole's altitude, 258; rules for 

finding height of, 264, 317; defini- 
tion, 302; Poles of the S&odiacs, 
303; of the horizon, 304; problems 
for finding Pole's height, 318 to 
322, 324, 325 

Polter, Richard, account of, 859 

Pomeroys of Sandridge, iii 

Pomerania, capture of a ship from, 61 

Popham, Stephen, signs the Desire me- 
morial, 106 

Pope, Richard, master's mate of Sun- 
ihine, 2 ; sent by Davis to explore 
east side of Greenland, xxi, 88 

Portohini, 849 

Porpoises, large quantities seen, 3; 
one harpooned, 8; taste like mutton, 
3; great strength, 3 

Portsmouth, prizes to proceed to, 81; 
Michelbome arrived at, 184 

Porto Grande, 130 

Porto Santo, 133 n. 

Portugal, a ship from captured, 79 

Potatoes at Fayal, 67 

Preston, Sir Amyas, sent with Captain 
Lister to St. Mary*s Island, 75 ; 
boats sent for water \mder, 77 ; sent 
on board a prize, 79 ; descries a sail, 
79 ; captures a rich prize, 92 

Prime, or Golden Number, 247 

Primroses, flowers like, growing on 
Moimt Raleigh, 11 

Prizes captured by the Earl of Cum- 
berland, 61, 64 ; by Davis and Lister, 
76 ; by the Victory, 79, 80; ordered 
to Portsmouth, 81 ; taken from 
Spaniards, 91 ; by Davis and others, 

Priaman, 69, 170 ; Davis's sailing di- 
rections for, 185 

Prince, Worthies of Devon, his ac- 
count of life of Davis, ii, iii ; mis- 
takes, Ixzz 

Proude, Richard, his Rutters, 355 

Prawes, 170 n. ; fight with, 172, 

Pulo Botum Island, 145 

Lotum, 153 

Timaon, 174, 175, 177 n. 

Laor, 176 

Sumatra, 183 

Pummice stone found, 41 

Purbach, George, astronomer, account 
of, 342 

Purchas, his account of Enivet, 97 n. ; 
of Cumberland's voyages, xxxviii ; 
of Cavendish, 97 n., 98, 99, xlii ; 
account of Dutch voyage to India, 

Purpet, Thomas, signed the Desire 
memorial, 106; lost, 120 



Quadrant, 240; Davis's, 834 n. 
Quaritch, Mr., his remarks on the 

" New Map" (of 1600), xc, xd, xcii, 

Quarta altitudo, 800, 805, 812 (or 

quadrant of altitude), 318, 319, 320 
Quedah, 146, 158 
QuiloQ, 130 n. 
Quinces at Fayal, 67 
Quintal, 79 n. 
Quymans, Thomas, to command Dutch 

expeditions in case of vacancies ; he 

was killed at Achen, 158 

Raleigh, Carew, v, xii 

Walter, of Fardel, v 

Sir Walter, his birth, v ; his name 

in the Letters Patent for N.W. dis- 
covery, xi ; related to W. Sanderson, 
xiii; affairs of, managed by Sanderson, 
xivn.; his Virginia voyage referred 
to, xvii; his ship. Bark of LimCf 65 ; 
acts on behalf of Davis, xxxix; in- 
terceded for Davis, Ixi 

Raleigh, Mount, xix, xxxi, xxx?; 
named by Davis, 9 ; at anchor 
under, 10 ; bear asleep on top of, 
10 ; depart from, 11 ; sighted in 
Davis's third voyage, 46 

Ram Head, 92 n. 

Ramusio, account of his work, 849 

Ransom of the town of Fayal, 68 

Rununculus glaciaUs, 11 n. 

Ratcliffe, Sunshine arrives at, 88 

Raven observed on Mount Raleigh, 11; 
seen in Cumberland Qulf, 12 ; in 
GUbert Sound, 18, 220 

Raymond, George, notice of, 286 n.; 
his success, 92 

Jied Dnufon, Lancaster's ship, on 
board of which Davis was Pilot, 
Ixix, Ixx fi. 

Rvjiment of the Sea, work on naviga- 
tion, by Bourne, liii, 857; use of 
the, 270 

Regiomontanus, astronomer and ma- 
thematician, 11 n. ; account of, 342 

Reindeer, 219 

Resolution Island, Davis lands on, 
28 n. 

Rhumb lines, 273 n. 

Ribero Diego, chart by, 108 n. 

Ridley, Francis, bandsman on board of 
Sunshine, 2 

Right Ascension, 290 

Rink, Dr., thanks for assistance, Ixxvii; 
£skimo words, collected by Davis, 
examined by, 21 n. 

Rio Janeiro, 124 n. 

Roader, 75n., 169, 170 

Roebuch, one of Cavendish's ships, 

xli, xliii, xlv, 93; fallen in with by 

Davis, 95 
Rocha, misprint for Mocha, in Chile, 

Rochelle, ships bound for, 61 
Rodriguez, Island, 165 n., 166 
Romano, Cape, 136 n. 
Room to, 113 n., 186 
Rosa Soils, 114 n. 
Rotterdam, Company of, Ixiv 
Routier de la Mer, 854 
Royden, Mr. Jolm, of Ipswich, 86; 

trading to Iceland, 84 
Rudston, Master, 866 
Rumos, or Turks, 180 n., 151 
Russell^ John, musician on board the 

Sun^ine, 2 
William, one of the crew of the 

SunshinCf 2 
Rutters, account of, 854 

Sables, country cannot be intolerable 

where they Uve, 220 
Sacrobosco, his work on the sphere, 

account of, 840 
Sailof^s Pocket Book, See Bedford, 

St. Augustine, Cape, 186, 156 
St. Christopher Island, 187 
St. Elmo lights, 164 n. 
St. George's Island, a huge fish seen 

near, 69 ; boats sent for water to, 

St. Helena, 156; visited by Michel- 
borne, 184 n. 
St. Jago, prisoners from, set at liberty, 

69, 188 
St. John de Lowe, ship from, 80 
San Juan de Puerto Rico, ship from, 

St. Kelmes, Victory anchors near, 87 
St. Malo, ship of, 60 ; captured, 78 
St. Mary Island, Azores, 75, 76 
St. Maria, 110,112, 208 n. 
St. Michael Island, 62, 70, 75, 80; 

longitude calculated from meridian 

of, 284 n. 
San Nicolas, Dutch ship anchored at, 

St. Nicholas, in Russia, 198, 201, 216 
St. Sebastian Isles, Cavendish at, 98 
St. Vincent, capture of the town, 95 
Saker, 41 n. 

Saldanha Road, 162; provisions, 163 
Salmon-peel, 17, 20, 44 
Salt, 41, 122, 219 

Salvador Bay, Cavendish arrives at, 98 
Salvage Cove, 109 



Sanchez, Alonco de Huelva, pflot, ac- 
count of, 344 

Sanderson, William, London Mer- 
chant, the chief supporter of Da- 
vis's northern voyages, i, xii, xvi, 
1, 208, 232 ; his ancestry, xii, xiii ; 
memoir of, from. Haneian MS., 
xiii n. ; of the Fishmongers' Com- 
pany, xv; caused the Molyneux 
globes to be constructed, xiv, Iviii, 
lix, Ix, 282 ; letters to, from IHivis, 
82, 69 ; chart constructed under 
directions of, 32 n. 

Sanderson's Hope, headland named by 
Davis, 44; Admiral Sherard Os- 
bom's description of, xxx ; latitude 

of, XXXV 

- Tower, name given by 


Sanders, Jaques, assistant in the Lion, 

Sandridge, birthplace of Davis, ii ; 
described by Weatcote, ii ; owner's 
of , iii n. ; in Stoke Ghtbriel, iv ; Da- 
vis's property at, referred to in a 
letter to Sanderson, 32 ; writes 
from, 59 ; on title page of Seaman's 
SecreU, 229 ; and WorUTi Hydro- 
graphical Description, 191 

Sanson (or Simson), abbreviations of 
Ascension, for Falkland Isles, 109 n. 

Santa Cruz, chief town in Flores, 63 

Santos, capture of town, 94, 113, 124 

SaiLMie Jack, sent to attack ships at 
anchor, 64 ; sent to St. Michael's, 70 

Savages, men killed and wounded by, 
80 ; a fight with, 37 ; troublesome 
behaviour, 41 ; with faces like dogs, 
attack of, 121. See Eskimos 

Schoner, his globe, 108 n. 

Scilly Isles, survey of, by Davis, xviii, 
2, 3 ; sighted, 40 ; Bishop and his 
clerks, off, 82 

Sciurvy on board the DeHre, cure for, 

Scurvy grass, 122 n. 

Scythian Sea, separated from the In- 
dian Sea by promontory of Tabin, 
199 ; discovered to limit the north 
coasts as far as the river Ob, 201 ; 
to force through it impossible, 214 

Seals, many seen, 9 ; sent down with 
the tide, 26 ; natives mistaken for, 
43 ; abundance of, 107 ; salted, 108 ; 
corrupt, 110 

Sealskins, brought off by Eskimos, 
17, 20, 37 ; tents made with, 17 ; 
a grave covered with, 18 ; quantity 
brought home in Sunshine^ 32 

Seaman's Secrets, by Davis, xlix, 224 ; 

object in writing, liv ; dedication, 

231 ; second edition revised by 

Davis, Ixx ; editions, 868 
Shakspere, see Map, the Ntw, Ixxxrii ; 

his reference to Arctic explorenty 

Shallop, 168 

Sheep, obtained in Iceland, 84 
Sheets, 110 

Ships, Hark of lAwu, xxxvii, 65 
Black Pinnace, xii, xiii, xlix, 93, 

94, 100, 106 ; loss of, 113 

DainHe, xii, xlv 

Ddight, vi 

Desire, xl, xii, xliv, xlv, xlix, 98, 

94, 96, 99, 103, 104, 117, 118, 119, 
122, 127, 238 

Elizabeth, xxvii, 89, 40, 42 

£Ucn, xxvii, 89, 40, 48, 48 

GaUan, 98, 96, 97, 99 

OoUUn hind, vi 

Hoseander, Ixxiv 

Leicester, xii 

Lion, Ixv, 182 

Lioness, Ltv, 132 

Margaret, 60, 71, 78 

Meg, 60, 61, 78 

Mermaid, xxi, 16, 16, 25, 27, 33, 


Moonshine, xii, xxi, 2, 8, 6, 14, 

15, 19, 23, 26, 27, 38 

iVofiA Star, pinnace, xxi, xxiv, 

16, 32, 83, 38 

Bed Dragon, Ixix, Ixx 

Red Lion, 89 

Hodmck, xii, xliii, xlv 

Squirrel, H. Qilbert's ship, vi 

Sunshine, xi, xxi, xxiv, xxvii, 2, 

32, 33, 39, 40, 41 

Tiger, Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, 167 . 

Uggera SSalvagnia, priae, xxxix 

Victory, 60 to 92, pasiim 

Shrouds, 105 ». 

SiUiber Koad, Sumatra, 178 

Sledge, Eskimo, 12 

Slings, used by Eskimos, 28 

Smelts, caught at Port Desire, 1 01, 107 

Smith, Edward, ringleader in mutiny 
on board Denre, 102 ; signs memo- 
rial, 106 

Francis, signs Desire memo- 
rial, 106 ; lost, UO 

Snedale, Hugh, W. Sanderson con- 
nected with Kaleigh through, xiii 

Snyte (Snipe) 14 ». 

Sofala, 129, 199 

Solar year, 248 

Solinus, C. Julius, a grammarian, re- 
ferred to, by Davis, 198 n. 

Soundings in Cumberland Qulf, 13 



Sparrow hawks in Iceland, 220 

Sphere {$ee Qlobe), definition, 289 ; cir- 
cles on, 289 

Spirito Santo Island, 137 

Spoon, to, nautical phrase, 117 n. 

Squirrd, ship of Sir Humphrey Gil- 
bert, vi 

Stadius, ephemeriB used by Davis, 
270 n., 851 

Stars, to find Pole's height by two 
known fixed stars, 324, 325, 326 

Stempels, Gterrit, account of, 352 

Stevin, Simon, 353 

Stoefler, 343 

Stoke Gabriel, Sandridge in parish 
of, ii, iv ; Davis entries in Parish 
Register at, iii, iv 

Storax, 175, 180 

Strabo, 197 

Straker, George, signed the Dtiirt 
memorial, 106 

Stubbes. Mathew, signed the Duire 
memorial, 106 

Sukkertoppen, xxiii 

Sumatra, iee Achen, Priaman, etc., 
Dutch arrive at, 146 

Sunshine of London, Bails under Davis, 
xi, xxi, xxiv, xxvii, 2 ; arrival of, 
32 ; sails again, 38 ; crew, 33, 39 ; 
springs a leak, 40, 41 

Sun, ob8er\'ation for altitude of, 263 ; 
declination, how to find, 265; to 
find the Pole's height by, 318, et 
9eq.; to know the time by, 825 ; 
heat of, 222 {$ee Solar) 

Syverts, Mathys, 352 

Tabin, Cape, of Ptolemy, 199 n., 201, 

Tacks, 110 

Taffeta, part of cargo of a ship, 63 ; 

Taisnerius, Joannes, 856 

Tamaryn tree, beans used for food, 137 

Tannasserim city, 154 

Tanner, Robert, work by, 360 

Tupioca, 94 ». 

Tayell, Achen money, 152 

Tempest, see Gale, at Fayal, 70 

Teneriffe, 157 n., 217 

Tents made of seal skin, 17 

Teroeira, departure of the carracks 
from, 62 ; a ship chased towards, 
63 ; the carracks heard of, at, 64 ; 
sighted by the Earl of Cumberland, 
65 ; ships sail along coast of, 70 ; 
West Indian fleet seen off, 73 ; Go- 
vernor orders treasure to be landed, 
81 ; Frobisher captured the Spanish 
admiral off, 92 

Testimonial {see Memorial) 

Thevet Andr^, French cosmographer, 

liii, 354 
Thomassen, assistant in the lAonea, 

Thrushes in Labrador, 29 
Tico in Sumatra, 170 ; sailing directions 

from Achen to, by Davis, 185 
Tides, strong, 3 ; in Cumberland Gulf, 

13, see Furious Overfall ; at Port 

Desire, 101 ; dangerous, 122; time 

of, necessary to be known, 244 ; how 

to find time of, 249 ; questions for 

finding time of high water, 255 
Tiger, Sir R Michelbome's ship, 

Ixxii, Ixxiu, Ixxiv, 157 
Tiger's whelp, Ixxii, 157 
Tiku (mc Tico) 
Timbrel, Eskimo musical instrument 

like, 7 
Tin mine at Dingle Bay, 90 
Tingeran river, 178, n. 
Tobacco grooving at Fayal, 67 
Tobie, captain of Black Pinnae, xl, 

xlvi, 93 n. 
Tomkms with Master Davis, in the 

Dutch ship, Ixvi, 131, 142 ; wounded, 

Tor Bay, Dutch fleet in, 132 
Totness Road, named by Davis, xix, 9, 

Towerson (or Townson), conference 

with Dr. Dee, Gilbert, Davis, etc., 

ix n. 
Townsend,oneof crew oi Desire, loet,120 
Towse, Mr., clerk of the Fishmongers' 

Co., help from, xvi 
Trade winds, 116 n. 
Transversary, part of a cross-staff, 328 n. 
Traverse, definition, 240 
Traverse book, by Davis, xxxiii, 49 ; 

specimen of a log book, 282 
Trees, biroh and willow in Gilbert 

Sound, 8 ; in Labrador, 29 ; at 

Fayal, 67 ; see Firs, Tamarind, Coco* 
Trestle trees, 105 n. 
Trincomalee, 155 n. 
Tropics, of Cancer, 295 ; Capricorn, 

295 ; their use, 296. 
Tropic bird, 166 n. 
Turtledoves, 159 
Tydes, su Tides 

Uggera Salvagnia, prize taken by 
Davis and others, law-suit about her, 
UUoa, Francisco de, discovers Gulf of 

CaUfomia, 212 n. 
Unicom, dart made from horn of, 48 
Upemivik, near Sanderson's Hope, xzz 
Upsaliensis, on climate of Sweden, 220 



Valdivia in ChUe, 110 n., 200 

Variation, 9u Compaas, 44, 46, 197 

Vaygats, 200 

Vaz, Dourado Femfto, hiB map, 108 n. 

Veen, Adrian, account of, 352 

Veere in Zealand, Iziv 

Ventry Haven, Earl of Cumberland 
arrives at, 87 

Vera Cruz, St. Juan de Uloa, 80 

Verde, cape and islands, 133 ti. 

Vespucius, allusion to voyage of, 108 n. 

Vidoryy one of the Earl of Cumber- 
land's squadron, 60 : makes capture 
of several prizes, 61 ; Englishmen 
rescued by, 65 ; dinner given on 
board, 69 ; puts to sea, 73 ; prize 
towed out to, 77 ; receives six tons 
of water, 78 ; Captain Monson joins 
78 ; captures a prize, 79, 80, beer for, 
91 ; arrives at Falmouth, 92 

Villa Franca, anchorage at St. Michaers, 

Vincent, Don Alfonso, Portuguese at 
Achen, 140 

Vines at Fayal, 67 

Vinegar, three spoonfuls for drink, 83 

Virginia, vii 

Virgin's Cape, 109 n. 

Vocabularies, Elskimo, 21; Achen, 131 

Wagenaar, Luces Jansz, Dutch Car- 
tographer ; account of his works, 

Wagge, Robert, carpenter of Sun- 
tkintf 33 

Walbie, Thomas, signs the Denre me- 
morial, 106 

Walker, William, his letter on the 
Dutch in the East Indies, lx\dii 

Walsingham, Sir Francis, ix, xxv, 206, 
208 ; his death caused cessation of 
attempts to discover N.W. passage, 
232 n. 

Walsingham Cape, xix ; named by 
Davis, 10 

Warwick Foreland, xxxvi, 46 

Warwick, Qeneral of the Dutch fleet, 
met by Michelbome, 183 

Water, boats sent to obtain fresh, 69 ; 
scarcity, 72 ; reduced allowance of, 
78, 82 ; expedients for obtaining, 83, 
84 ; men die from want of, 85 ; ob- 
tained at Port Desire, 100 ; want of, 

Watkins, Thomas, signs the Denrt 
memorial, 106 

Wats, Robert, carpenter of the Sun- 
skinej 2 

Weapons, of Eskimos, 20 ; of Javan- 
ese, 176 

Werner, John, of Nuremburg, account 
of, 848 

West Country, Merchants of, consider 
a north-west passage, xvi, xvii, zx, 

Westcote, work on Devonshire, quoted, 
li, m, IV 

West Indian Fleet, news of, 73 ; off 
Terceira, 73 

Weymouth, a ship of, joins the Earl of 
Cumberland, 73 

Whales, many seen, 8, 13, 43, 48 ; 
nets made of fin of, 20 

Whalebone, sledge made of, 12 

Whitehall, running a tilt at, 82 

Whiting, John, signs Duire memo- 
rial, 106 

WTiiriwind, 22 

Williams, Mr., on Conmiittee on Ex- 
changes, XV 

Willoughby, Sir Hugh, 200, 236 

Willows, found near Gilbert Sound, 9 

Winds, iee Qales, Tempests, Trade 

Wine lees utilized to diink, 83 ^ 

Witches, Eskimos judged to be, 19 

Woad, 66 n. 

Welcome, William, one of the crew of 
the Sunthincy 33 

Wolves, bears mistaken for, 10 ; dogs 
thought to be, 12 

Wood, drift, 8, 37 

Worl(U$ HydrograpkicaL Deteription, 
by Davis, reply to objections, xxxii ; 
argument of, Ivii ; copies extant, 1 n^ 

Wrestling, skill of Eskimos in, 18 

Wright, Edward, the New Map by, 
xxxiii, Ixi ; account of the life of, 
xxxvii n., 364 ; in Earl of Cumber- 
land's third voyage, xxxvii ; projec- 
tion explained by, Ixxxviii, Ixxxix ; 
his Errors in NavigatUm, xcii, 60 ; 
Mr. Coote on his discovery of the so- 
called Mercator's projection, Ixxxviii 

Wyeth, William, signs the Dtiirt me- 
morial, 106 

Year, solar and lunar, 248 
Yew, found in Labrador, 29 

Zamorano, Rodrigo, account of, 346 
Zeeland, voyage to India from, Ixv 
Zeilon (Ceylon) 
Zeni, map of, considered an authority, 

Zenith, definition, 270 
Zodiac, described, signs, 293 ; use of, 

294 ; poles of, 303 
Zones, described, 305 ; frozen, 305 ; 

temperate, 307 


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